Autonomous Coinage of Rhizon in Illyria more

DUBRAVKA UJES AUTONOMOUS COINAGE OF RHIZON IN ILLYRIA* The ancient city of Rhizon was located on the eastern coast of the Adriatic in Montenegro at the far end of the northernmost inlet of the modern Golf of Kotor, which the Venetians called the "Bocche di Cattaro" and the ancient Romans called the "Sinus Rhizonicus"1. Its dark and turbulent waters gave ancient mariners the impression it was a wide river. On the shore, the lower town was enclosed by large city walls datable to the late 5th or the 4th century B.C., and on top of the nearby hill called Gradina there is a fortress whose walls are datable to the late 4th or the 3rd century B.C.2 (fig. 1). During the Hellenistic period, specifically during the wars conducted by the Romans against the Illyrians and the kingdom of Macedonia, Rhizon appears as a city of considerable importance. Polybius (2. 11, 16) states that in 229 B.C., after the Romans had defeated Teuta, the widow of the Illyrian king Agron, she took refuge in Rhizon, which he describes as a small but strongly fortified city. Moreover, Livy (45. 26, 2) records that in 167 B.C. a Roman garrison com- manded by C. Licinius was introduced into Rhizon, and a little later (45. 26, 13) he also mentions the Rhizonitae in the same region as the Agravonitae and the Olciniatae, in connection with the Roman partition of the Illyrian territory into three parts in 167 B.C. * I wish to express my thanks to the organiser for the financial support which helped my participation at the Colloque. I also wish to express my gratefulness to John D. Morgan III for his kind help in all phases of my work on this study. See also acknowledgments. 1 For the geographical position of the town and gulf see Pseudo-Scylax, Periplous 24-25, Strabo, Geographia 7. 5, 3 and 7, Apollonius, Argonautica 4. 516, Pliny, Historia Naturalis 3.144, Stephanus Byzantius, Ethnica s.v. Pi^cov and also s.v. BouGot), Claudius Ptolemaeus, Geographia 2. 16 (17), 5 and 2. 16 (17), 12, Tabula Peutingeriana 7.1, Anonymus Ravennas, Cosmo- graphia 4. 16 (and perhaps also 5. 14), Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, De thematibus 2. 9 and De administrando imperio 34. For general background information on Rhizon, see Oberhummer E. 1914, p. 937-939, ALFOLDY G. 1968, p. 1214-1217 and Cabanes P. 2001, p. 1023-1024. For Rhizon as a regional center on the crossroad of the sea and land routes, see ujes D. 1999, p. 212-213. 2 The walls were discussed by Garasanin M. 1966, p. 27-36. However, the dates cited above result from my own unpublished research. The issues of the mint of Rhizon The mint of Rhizon issued the following coinages: - autonomous coinages of the town, in bronze (fig. 2 and 3), - the royal coinage of King Ballaios, in silver and bronze (fig. 4), - and, most probably, the coinage called "Coinage from the Rhizonian Gulf, in silver and, perhaps, bronze, which has been considered as the coinage of a symmachy of towns which included Rhizon (fig. 5)3. The chronology of these coinages is still not determined with precision, primarily because the historical contexts of their issuance remain poorly known. There is no mention of King Ballaios in any extant ancient literary source, while Rhizon is directly mentioned by only two extant ancient historians, Polybius and Livy, in the passages cited above. Several features of these coinages, such as the characteristics of their style, elements of ins- 3 Pink K. 1940, p. 27-535. The mint of the "Pragung aus dem Sinus Rhizonicus" cannot be localized, although all the finds of known provenience came from Risan. Only ca. 34 specimens are known; see ujes D. 1993, 22. The obverses of this coinage bear a Macedonian shield ; for the type of the shield, its chronology and "political propaganda" of the shield pattern see Liampi K. 1998, p. 43-44 and p. 149-151. ig. 1 : plan of Risan with the sites Carine and Gradina. DUBRAVKA UJES cription and iconography - especially the presence of the title fiamXevq on the coinage of Ballaios, and the presence of a Macedonian shield on the "Coinage from the Rhizonian Gulf - and their metrology, point to the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. as the general chronological framework for the activity of the Rhizonian mint and for the successive issuance of the coinages of different issuing authorities there. The following analysis of the autonomous coinages of Rhizon is based on the information available from more than 100 specimens of both types, most of which are kept in the Central Archaeological Collection of Montenegro in Podgorica, a smaller number in the National Museum in Belgrade and the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, and one specimen in the Archaeological Museum in Split4. All these coins were discovered in Risan, as stray site-finds at Carine, the modern name of the site of the lower town of ancient Rhizon, except for a specimen of unknown pro- venance, in the Museum in Split. Until now, no hoard containing the autonomous coins of Rhizon has been found. Four published group-finds composed of Ballaios', autonomous, and other coins are, in fact, cumulative site-finds from the coastal fields of Carine5. In contrast, the ex- 41 wish to express my gratefulness to Mr. M. Pravilovic, curator in charge of the Coin Collection of the Central Archaeological Collection in Podgorica, for kindly allowing me to publish the coins from this collection. The coins in the National Museum in Belgrade have been published in UJES D. 1993, p. 5-34. I also wish to express my thanks to Dr. H. Kim, Keeper of the Greek Coin Collection of the Ashmolean Museum, for kindly allowing me to examine the unpublished coins from the collection of Sir A. J. Evans and those already published by GORINI G. 1991, p. 25- 30, and to use them in my study. MAROVIC I. 1988, p. 96-97, pi. 22/1 a-b, published the coin in the Archaeological Museum in Split. The specimen no. 4 of Evans' "Coins of a successor of Ballaeos" in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb was "probably from Risano", but I could not trace it. Other museums in Serbia and Montenegro do not possess any specimens of these coinages. See the Catalogue for further details. 5 For the circumstances of the discoveries of three group finds in the National Museum in Belgrade containing coins of Ballaios, the autonomous coinage of Rhizon, and coins issued by other authorities, see UJES D. 1993, p. 6 and eadem 2001, p. 341, note 1. Surface stray finds of coins, especially those of Ballaios, are so frequent in Carine that already A. J. EVANS 1880, p. 291-292, stated that in less than an hour of walking he collected several. The lots assembled that way might give the impression that they belonged to a hoard, although they usually also cavations in Carine have furnished only Ballaios' coins, but not a single specimen of the autonomous coinage6. Thus, the numerous surface site-finds which have been recorded over an extended span of time constitute a substantial body of valuable evidence whose significance approaches that of the finds of coins in excavations. There are two7 main types of the autonomous coins of Rhizon, both of which are small in size and have the inscription PIZONITAN on the reverse8. The first type : Obverse : beardless male head facing to the right. Reverse : Artemis advancing to the left and holding vertically a torch in her right hand. The inscription is separated in two parallel lines running downward on both sides of the figure of Artemis, contain coins of other issuing authorities, such as the autonomous coins of Rhizon, but even more frequently Late Roman bronze coins, as is the case with the group finds in the National Museum in Belgrade. Hence these should be considered as cumulative site finds. In all probability the 4th group containing both Ballaios' and autonomous coins, acquired in Risan by J. M. F. May in late 1920s, mentioned in CH I, p.28, n° 88 and published by GORINI G. 1991, p. 25-30, had been assembled in the same way. The coins in Podgorica had been acquired in several lots of stray surface finds together with Ballaios' and various Roman bronze coins. 6 The excavations of an urban habitation context with a surface area of ca. 130 m2 yielded 135 bronze coins of Ballaios - see UJES D., Kovacevic V. 1992, p. 9-24, and especially UJES D. 1994, p. 139-145. The circumstances of discovery indicate that the houses were destroyed; the finds of imported South Italian pottery of secure chronology, especially that of Gnathia production, are datable to the late 4th and 3rd century B.C.; for more details of the pottery see UJES D. 1994, p. 142-143 and eadem 1999, p. 204. 7 Note that the unique specimen of the type: male head to the right on the obverse, and PI - ZO in a wreath on the reverse, published by EVANS A. J. 1880, p. 292, pi. 13/9, is not discussed here. 81 adhere to the reading PIZONITAN, as read by EVANS A. J. 1880, p. 292, and later accepted by other scholars. However, there is still no specimen on which the entire inscription can be clearly read, especially not the syllable NI. Evans' readings PEONITAN (with a question mark) and PEANQTAN (with uncertainty) were probably due to the poor state of preservation of the coins in his possession ; see EVANS A. J. 1880, p. 292 and 295. For, PIZO- is clearly read on more than 10, while PIEO- or PEA- not on any of the specimens which I could examine. Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria 151 Fig. 2 : the post-Ballaios type of the autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria. Plaster casts. For the details and location of each coin see the Catalogue. 152 DUBRAVKA UJES Fig. 3 : the Apollo-Artemis type of the autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria. 153 Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria 7/2 7/3 8/1 Fig. 3 (cont.): the Apollo-Artemis type of the autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria. Plaster casts. For the details and location of each coin see the Catalogue. 6/1 : the obverse of a bronze coin of Apollonia, 3rd-2nd c. B.C. Cabinet des Medailles F.G. 65. 6/2 : the obverse of a bronze coin ofOricus, 3rd-2ndc. B.C. Cabinet des Medailles F.G. 279. 6/3 : the obverses of two"autonomous" bronze coins of Pella, ca. 188/7-168 B.C. SeldarovN. 2003 n° 150-151. Fig. 6 : coins with analogous representations of Apollo's head on their obverse. DUBRAVKA UJES 7/1. Mamertines 7/2. Magnetes 7/3.Anticyra 7/4. Lysimacheia Cabinet des Medailles F.G. 836 rogers 1932, fig. 325 Cabinet des Medailles F.G. 194 BMC Thrace 2-3 7/5. Diodotus I or II 7/6. Megara 7/7 and 7/8. The League of the Acarnanians BMC Bactria-India 7, pi. 1/9 BMC 43, pi. 21/14 BMC Thessaly-Aetolia 13-14, pi. 27/4-27/5 Fig. 7 : coins with a comparable representation of Artemis on their reverse. starting on the right behind her (PIZO-) and con- tinuing in front of her on the left (-NITAN). The second type: Obverse : head of Apollo to the right. Reverse : Artemis advancing to the right and holding horizontally a torch in both hands. The inscription starts on the left going from the bottom upwards behind the figure of Artemis (PIZO-) and continues on the right in front of her going again from the bottom upwards (-NITAN). Sir Arthur J. Evans first discovered the Rhizonian autonomous coinage in the 1870's, but actually identified only the first type on the basis of just one well-preserved specimen (variant I, n° 1, fig. 2/1)9. Another specimen, attributed by Evans to a successor of Ballaios, also belongs to the same type, but its poor state of preservation impeded its attribution to this type and a correct reading of its inscription (variant I, n° 4, fig. 2/4)10. Evans discovered several specimens of the second type, too, but none with a well-preserved inscription. The features of the head on the obverse 9 Evans A. J. 1880, p. 292, "Autonomous coins" no. 2, pi. 13/10, a drawing. A photograph of this coin was published by rendic-miocevic D. 1976, Fig. 3, and also gorinig. 1991, p. 28-29, fig. a. This coin was also mentioned in Head B. V. 1911, p. 316 and Brunsmid J. 1898, p. 75. 10 Evans A. J. 1880, p. 294, "Coins of a successor of Ballaeos"n° 1, pi. 14/11. Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria reminded him of the "helmeted head of Libertas or Pallas on consular denarii", and hence he identified them as the "coins of successor of Ballaios showing Roman influence"11. In 1930's, J. M. F. May identified this type of Rhizonian autonomous coinage, but his work long remained unpublished in a manuscript until in 1991 it was at last posthumously published by G. Gorini12. The head on the obverse was described as a "female head wreathed r. (Persephone?)". Several well-preserved specimens in the National Museum in Belgrade enabled further clarification of the characteristics of this type13. My close examination of practically all the specimens preserved in the museum collections has enabled me to draw more precise conclusions concerning the iconography, ins- criptions, varieties, and technical characteristics of the coins of both types, and especially of the second type14. The wear resulting from circulation is more obvious on the coins of the former type, but in general it is not considerable. The coins suffered more from corrosion, intensified by the action of the salty soil at Carine on the bronze alloy of low quality. The alloy of the former type is inferior, and the specimens which underwent removal of their patina display a rather dark color of bronze. The alloy of the latter type is of a slightly lighter shade and comparatively better, but still of poor quality. The flans of the former type are mostly thin, sometimes of quadrangular shape. The flans of the latter type are more regularly round, but are often carelessly struck, which renders the relief shallow and the figures not centered. At the edge there often appear fissures, which probably indicate an insufficient temperature of the flan at the moment of minting. The first, or post-Ballaios type The first type clearly imitates the iconography of king Ballaios' coins of the " Evans A. J. 1880, p. 294, "Coins of a successor of Ballaeos" n° 2-3 (perhaps also 4), pi. 14/12-13 (15), p. 299. 12 Gorini G. 1991, p. 25-26, 28, dating this type to ca. 170-168 B.C. without discussion. For J. M. F. May's contribution to the study of the Rhizonian mint see VlSONA P. 2000, p. 60-62. 13 UJESD. 1993, p. 19-20, 28, 31-32; 15 specimens. 14 I had occasion to see at least about a hundred more coins of both types, all of them collected as stray surface finds in Carine, in the private possession of several inhabitants of Risan, but I was only once allowed to make several photos and plaster casts. Rhizonian type, i.e. the type with the royal title and the figure of Artemis running to the left (fig. 2)15. The arrangement and flow of the inscription, although different and shorter, also corresponds to that on Ballaios' coins. The differences are the following: considerably lower weight, ranging from ca. 1,90 down to 0,50 gr, smaller size, poorer quality of bronze and very poor schematized style, similar, but inferior even to the most "stylized", or "barbarized" specimens of the coins of Ballaios. Moreover, the figure of Artemis became simplified in that her short chiton lost drapery and almost disappeared, as did the two lances in the goddess' left hand, which both probably happened as a combined result of the decline of style and the reduction of weight and size of the flans. Hence, it is likely that this type of autonomous coinage was issued after the royal coinage of Ballaios. This conclusion is corroborated by the above-mentioned complete absence of these coins in the excavated context of a destroyed settlement which yielded numerous bronze coins issued by Ballaios16. There are two variants of this type : 1. The variant of a larger weight, with a flat relief and "linear"-stylized features of the head. 2. The variant of a lesser weight and sometimes a very small flan, and of a different, very plain style, but with a higher relief. However there are also specimens of "intermediary" characteristics, so that these variations do not indicate the existence of two different denominations within this type. The reduction of weight and the alteration of style are rather due to a decline of the quality of issues of the mint, i.e. to a general decline of the internal conditions and, probably, a changed status of the town after Ballaios' reign. The type and style of the male head on the obverse is so close to the royal portrait that it seems quite likely that the latter was maintained together with the unchanged iconography of the reverse of the royal coinage. It follows that after cavedoni c. 1842, p. 128 first differentiated these two types, and evans A. J. 1880, p. 296-297 labelled them the 'Pharian' and 'Rhizonian' according to the ancient names of the places of their most frequent occurrence. The 'Pharian' type has no royal title and the figure of Artemis is stationary, with the goddess standing slightly turned to the left and holding vertically a torch. No silver coins of 'Pharian' type are known. For a detailed analysis of these two types see Ujes D. 1993, p. 9-10. 16 See the above note 6. DUBRAVKA UJES the end of Ballaios' reign, Rhizon continued to issue coinage, although in a relatively impo- verished situation. This continuation of issuing manifestly occurred in changed political conditions that sanctioned an autonomous coinage, which however remained in line with the previous authority. The small number of preserved specimens of this autonomous type - only four ascertained by a legible inscription, with about a dozen more which can convincingly be assigned to this type - indicate there was a small volume of the overall mint output over a short time, which is a further sign of a severe decline of the town and its mint after Ballaios' reign. The inclusion of about 30 more specimens in a very poor state of preservation (listed in the Appendix to the Catalogue) only corroborates this impression. It was possible to identify two specimens of this autonomous coinage struck by the same obverse dies (variant I, n° 1 and 2). For all the above reasons, this type may be entitled the Post-Ballaios type of the autonomous coinage of Rhizon. Hence the determination of its chronology directly depends upon the chronology of the royal coinage of king Ballaios. Yet the period as well as the general circumstances of his rule still remain uncertain. The characteristics of Ballaios' coinage and the extant historical records of affairs in Illyria in the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. have prompted two proposals : 1. A. J. Evans dated this type of the auto- nomous coinage of Rhizon before the coinage of king Ballaios, which he dated from after ca. 167 B.C. to before ca. 135 B.C.17. This chronology was discussed by J. Brunsmid and subsequently was widely accepted18. 2. J. M. F. May, followed by G. Gorini, dated this type ca. 175-170 B.C., placing it at the same time or shortly after Ballaios' coinage, which Gorini dated from ca. 195 to ca. 175 B.C.19. I am mentioning these proposals only briefly, and leaving for later study a detailed analysis of the coinage of Ballaios, who was a prominent ruler in the island of Pharos and the king, obviously of the Illyrians, in Rhizon, mighty enough in front of the overpowering Romans to issue his silver coinage of a Macedonian royal u Evans A. J. 1880, p. 292,295, 300-301. 18 Brunsmid J. 1898, p. 76-77, with comments on the previous proposals for dating the reign of Ballaios. 19 Gorini g. 1991, p. 28 ; see also VisonA P. 2000, p. 62. See gorini g. 1984, p. 49 for his dating of Ballaios' coinage ca. 195-175 B.c. type, besides an enormous output of bronze coinage which spread in many ports along both the east and west coasts of the Adriatic and Ionian Seas. Hence, I may suggest that Ballaios' coinage might more plausibly be dated not in the 2nd century, but rather within the period of the greatest strength of the Illyrians, when they were able to mount the long-distance maritime raiding expe- ditions which provoked their first con-frontations with the Romans around 230 B.C. Hence I prefer to date Ballaios' coinage some time in the second half of the 3rd century B.C., followed soon after its cessation by the autonomous coinage of the Post- Ballaios type. The second, or the "Apollo/Artemis" type A selection of the best-preserved coins of the other type of the autonomous coinage is presented in fig. 3. Their weight most frequently ranges from 1,80 downward to 1,40 grams. Only a few coins weigh less than 1 gram, or more than 2 grams, except for a single specimen of over 4,7 grams, which however shares the same obverse die with two specimens of which weigh slightly more than just 1 gram. Still, the slight differences of weight among the largest portion of the preserved specimens are probably a sign of the existence of one unit only, with no fraction- or multiple-coins. From around 40 sufficiently well-preserved specimens, I could identify 8 obverse-dies, and almost twice as much reverse dies. The dies are most probably more numerous, but the state of preservation and the off-centered and shallow relief of the coins impede a more thorough die- analysis. These same imperfections hinder the examination of the details of the types and the inscription. The circulation restricted to its minting town, the small number of coin dies and preserved specimens, and the modest quality of their alloy, flan-making, die-engraving and striking, strongly suggest that the issuing of the coins of this type lasted for a very short period, probably not more than a decade. In an attempt to determine the chronology of this period, in the following paragraphs I shall consider: - The iconography of this type, aiming in particular to detect the occurrence of analogous repre- sentations on the issues of definite chronology. - Its regional "numismatic environment", i.e. the coinages of the Illyrian tribes and king Genthius, so that its characteristics may be distinguished from theirs. Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria - Information from the historical sources, in an attempt to trace the indications for discerning the historical context in which this coinage was issued. Despite the small size of the coins, on several well-preserved specimens it is evident that the head is wreathed with laurel leaves. These, and the coiffure, with the hair rolled behind and a couple of curls hanging downward, are characteristic of Apollo. It is also strongly reminiscent of Artemis' hairstyle, but she usually wears a diadem, which does not occur on any specimen. Moreover, a quiver and bow on the shoulder, which would clearly indicate Artemis, are never present. Hence this divinity should be identified as Apollo20. Several close analogies in representations of Apollo's head on the bronze coins of the neighbouring regions provide support for this identification. These coins share the same types: the head of Apollo Agyieus on the obverse, and his obelisk on the reverse21, and were issued, first of all, by Apollonia (fig. 6/1 )22, and also Oricus (fig. 6/2) , Olympe^ and Ambracia . These issues have usually been dated between ca. 229 and 168 B.C., except for that of Ambracia, which is usually dated ca. 238-168 B.C. (i.e. to the period of the Epirote Republic). A recent reanalysis of these and other bronze issues of Apollonia datable to the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. demonstrated that they lasted even longer, probably until the reform of Apollonia's bronze coinage datable ca. 120 B.C26. I first proposed this identification in Ujes D. 1993, p. 20. 21 For the iconography of Apollo Agyieus, diffused in Illyria and Epirus, see Di FlLlPPO balestrazzi E. 1984, p. 323-332, n° 279-283. 22 BMC Thessaly - Aetolia 49-53, pl.12/9; Apollonia continued to issue this type with a different weight standard until the 1st century b.C. See ibid 60-61, pl.12/12, and also 75-76, pi. 13/1. SNG Cop. Thessaly - Illyricum 401, and also 403-406 (later issues, already 1st century b.C.). 23 BMC Thessaly - Aetolia 1-3, pi. 31/13, which is more clearly visible in Sear D. R. 1978, 1909 ; SNG Cop. Thessaly - Illyricum 525; ceka H. 1972, p. 143-144 (not illustrated); Pause-Dreyer U., Ceka n. 1988, p. 87. Oricus was traditionally considered as an Euboean foundation on the borders of Epirus and Illyria. 24 For very rare small bronzes of Olympe in Illyria see Ceka H. 1972, p. 147 (not illustrated), and Pause- Dreyer U., cekan. 1988, p. 87-88, n° 144b. 25 BMC Thessaly - Aetolia 10, pl.32/3, SNG Cop. Thessaly - Illyricum 24. 26 See the detailed discussion by PlCARD O., GJONGECAJ S. 1996, throughout and especially p. 192-195, on the Yet defining the exact chronology of the issues of either Apollonia or these other towns remains quite difficult in the total absence of any relevant literary or epigraphic information. The "autonomous" bronze issues of Amphipolis, Pella, Thessalonike and of "the Macedonians", datable to 188/7-168 B.C., i.e. to the last decade of the reign of Philip V and to the reign of Perseus, also exhibit similar features of the head of Apollo, and a certain similarity of style (fig. 6/3)27. Analogies for the figure of Artemis may be found on the reverses of several issues in bronze28. The double %aX,Koi of the Mamertines display a similar figure of Artemis running to the right holding a horizontal torch in both hands, with a hound at her feet. This issue has been dated close to the end of the 3rd century B.C.29 (fig. 7/1). A very similar figure of Artemis with a torch appears on the bronze coins of the Magnetes in Thessaly, struck in Demetrias and usually dated to the period between 196 B.C. (when the proconsul T. Quinctius Flamininus proclaimed the freedom of the Greek cities)30 and 146 B.C. (when Thessaly and Phocis were incorporated into the Roman province of Macedonia)31. There are two related types of this issue, one with the head of Artemis metrology, style, and occurrence of these coins in hoards. 27 gaebler H. 1906, p. 42-43, n° 97-105, pi. 1/20-21; touratsoglou y. 1987, p. 74-78, pi. 7/7 and 10/11- 12. 28 For the representations of Artemis with torches on the coins, see kahil L. 1984, p. 656-657, but this list is not exhaustive. See ujes D. 1993, p. 20-21, for the coins with the closest analogies, mostly mentioned here, too. The figure of Artemis with either one or two torches but in long chiton is not discussed here. 29 sarstrom m. 1940, p. 126, Series XVII, Group A, n° 365-370, period IV dated to ca. 220-200 B.C. Earlier, gabricim. 19852(1927), p. 151, n° 57-58, pi. 44/365- 370, dated it after 216 B.C., i.e. to the beginning of the Roman period. See also Head B. V. 1911, p. 156, dated to after ca. 210 B.C., SNG Cop. Sicily 466, and tagliamonte G. 1994, p. 254, serie XVII, n° B 63. The obverse represents the head of Heracles wearing a lion's skin. 30Polybius 18. 44, 2 and 46, 5, see Gardner P. Introduction to BMC Thessaly-Aetolia, p.xxxi-xxxii. 31 Head B. V. 1911, p. 300, Rogers E. 1932, p. 106- 107, n° 324 (with the head of Artemis on the obverse) and 325 (with the head of Apollo, but different from the head on the Rhizonian coins), fig. 163-164, SNG Cop. Thessaly - Illyricum 163. G. gorini 1984, p. 48, indicated this type as an analogy for the representation of Artemis on the coins of Ballaios. DUBRAVKA UJES and the other with the head of Apollo on the obverse (fig. 7/2). Bronze coins of Anticyra in Phocis display a figure of Artemis advancing to the right holding a torch in her left hand and a bow in her right hand, with a hound at her feet. This type is thought to be an autonomous issue of the 2nd century B.C. or later (fig. 7/3)32. Bronze coins of Lysimacheia in the Thracian Chersonesus, with Artemis standing to the right and holding a long torch provide an approximate analogy (fig. 7/4). The issuing of this type is commonly dated within the period from the foundation of this city ca. 309 B.C. to its destruction ca. 200 B.C.33. A similar figure of Artemis appears as one of the mint marks on the 3rd century B.C. issues of the Seleucid kings in Lysimacheia, but very rare tetradrachmas of Antiochus III struck between 196 and 190 B.C. bear a symbol which has been interpreted as Artemis holding a sceptre or thyrsus rather than a torch34. Bronze coins of Diodotus I or II of Bactria (ca. 256-239 B.C. and later) display a very similar figure of Artemis holding a long torch advancing to the right, with a hound at her feet (fig. 7/5)35. Diodotus I was a Seleucid satrap who revolted from Antiochus II to become the first independent king in that region. Numismatic evidence indicates that there were two successive rulers with this same name, and it is not possible determine which '2Head B. V. 1911, p. 339, Imhoof-Blumer F., Gardner P. 1964, 124-125, pLY/XVII, Lacroix L. 1949, p. 309-310. The coin type probably represents the statue recorded by Pausanias 10. 37, 1, a work of Praxiteles or his sons for a sanctuary in Anticyra. The obverse represents the head of Poseidon. Coins of this type are extremely rare. 33 BMC Thrace 2-3 (not illustrated; assigned to the age of Lysimachus), visible in SEAR D. R. 1978, 1620. In SNG Cop. Thrace II, 903-904, this type is dated to the period from the foundation of the town by Lysimachus ca. 309 B.C. to its destruction by the Thracians ca. 200. The obverse represents the head of Heracles wearing a lion's skin. 34 Le Rider G. 1988, passim and especially 204 concerning Antiochus III. See also Newell E. T. 1941, p. 357. From 196 B.C. Antiochus III was restoring Lysimachia so that it might be a residence of his elder son Seleucus (Polybius 18.51, 7-8). 35 M0RKHOLM O. 1991, p. 120-121, fig. 382, MlTCHlNER M. 1975, p. 44, types 82 and 83 (dichalkon and lepton), BMC Bactria-India 7, pi. 1/9, more clearly visible in Sear D. R. 1979, 7504. The obverse represents the head of Zeus. of them was responsible for these issues with Artemis. In general, the representation of Artemis in a short chiton, advancing or running with either one or two torches corresponds to the iconography of Artemis Soteira, who ensured the overnight victory of the Megarians over the Persian army in 479 B.C. by guiding them with her torches, i.e. as Phosphoros36. This type of Artemis is represented on the bronze issues of Megara datable after 146 B.C. (fig. 7/6)37. It slightly differs in that Artemis is represented as running and holding a short vertical torch in each hand. Analogies in the silver coins are limited to the issues of the Acarnanian League datable to the short period of the expedition of Antiochus III the Great to Greece in the late winter of 192/191 B.C. and the early spring of 191 B.C., when he reached Acarnania38. A unique specimen displays a similar coiffure and overall style of the obverse and a very close analogy for the representation on the reverse of Artemis holding horizontally a long torch in both her hands (fig. 7/7)39.The fi sure of Artemis is Pausanias 1.40, 2-3, implies that Strongylion's Artemis Soteira was represented as Phosphoros, i.e. bearing torches. 37 BMC 43, pl.21/14, with the head of Eucleides on the obverse ; see also Imhoof-Blumer F., Gardner P. 1964, p. 4, pi. A/I, SNG Cop. Attica - Aegina 485 and 493, and Lacroix L. 1949, p. 294, pi. 26/4. This coin type appeared in the Imperial period, too, BMC 47, pl.22/2. The copy of this statue of Artemis from the nearby Pagae, recorded by Pausanias 1. 44, 4, is represented only on the issues from the Roman imperial period, see Imhoof-Blumer F., Gardner P. 1964, p. 8-9, pi. A/I-II, SNG Cop. Attica - Aegina 496 and 498, lacroix L. 1949, p. 294, pi. 26/5-6. The figures of Artemis with either one or two torches, in a short or long chiton and with various details, or Diana Lucifera, appear on the reverses of imperial issues of more than ten mints in the provinces of the Balkans and Asia Minor; see Kahil L. 1984, p. 656-657 (this list is not complete). 38 The presence of Antiochus III in Acarnania in early spring of 191 B.C. is recorded by Livy 36. 11, 9 to 12, 11, and Appian Syriaca, 3, 16. For his expedition to Acarnania see Grainger J. D. 2002, p. 230-237, and also Oberhummer E. 1887, p. 178-180, Oost S. I. 1954, p. 58-65, DanyO. 1999, p. 189-200. 39 Gardner P. 1878, p. 101-102, pi. 5/13, first recognized the historical setting and hence the precise chronology of the issuance of this coin. See also Imhoof-Blumer F. 1878, p. 31, n° 36, BMC Thessaly - Aetolia 14, pi. 27/5 and p. liii of the Introduction, Babelon E. 1890, p. lxxxii n° 5 and p. lxxxiv, Head B. V. 1911, Dany O. 1999, p. 337, type VIII, Grainger J. D., 2002, p. 234, note 22. Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria surrounded by an oak-wreath with acorns, and an anchor, the dynastic emblem of the Seleucids, is placed in front of her40. However, the specific circumstances of issuing remain obscure, such as in which city and by which issuing authority it was struck, since the Acarnanians' support for Antiochus was only partial: Leucas, which is normally considered as the federal capital and the main mint of the Acarnanian League at that time, together with Thyrrheum, another mint of the League, remained loyal to the Romans.41 In addition, this coin differs significantly from the usual silver issues of the Acarnanian League by its unique iconography - the standard type of the silver coins of this League displaying the beardless head of Achelous on the obverse and the figure of Apollo Actius on the reverse - and also by its unusual weight and coarse style.42 However, this coin is related to a small group with practically identical figure of Artemis, but much lighter, of a much finer style, with a torch as a symbol in the field, and with the head of Achelous on the obverse; this group is also datable to 192 B.C.(fig. 7/8)43. Appian Syriaca, 9, 56, for the tradition regarding the reasons for which the anchor became the emblem of Seleucus I. Justin 15. 4, 3-4, for the story of Seleucus Fs conception by Apollo, who in a dream supposedly presented Seleucus' mother Laodice with a ring engraved with an anchor, which later appeared as a mark on his descendants' thighs. Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus 3. 11, 59, 2, for the anchor as a symbol of the Seleucids. 41 Livy 36.11-12 records that only Medeon and some other towns of Acarnania submitted to Antiochus, while Thyrreum and Leucas remained loyal to the Romans. Appian Syriaca, 3, 16 records that Antiochus besieged various strongholds in Acarnania, which further indicates that some of the Acarnanians resisted his campaign. See wroth w. 1892, p. 10, oost S. I. 1954, p. 61-62, dany O. 1999, p. 193-194, and grainger J. d. 2002, p. 230-237. For Leucas as mint see imhoof- Blumer F. 1878, p. 13 and Dany O. 1999, p. 287. 42 For the types of the Acarnanian League in general, see the fundamental work by Imhoof-Blumer F. 1878, 13-46, and the enhanced catalogue by dany O. 1999, 'Numismatische Appendix' in p. 311-339. Regarding the weight of this coin (7,35 g), see Imhoof-Blumer F. 1878, p. 31, note 28a (a stater of basically Attic silver standard), and Dany O. 1999, p. 303 and 307 (a lighter 3A stater of Corcyrean standard). 43 Imhoof-Blumer F. 1878, p. 30, n° 32, pi. 14/6, BMC Thessaly - Aetolia, 13, pi .27/4, dany O. 1999, p. 336, type VII, 1-4. Only four specimens are recorded. This type had been indicated as an analogy for the representation of Artemis on the coins of Ballaios by Rendic-Miocevic d. 1976, p. 39, and Gorini G. 1984, The distinctive iconography of an important silver coinage firmly based in this historical context might be regarded as good support for establishing the chronology of a bronze issue with similar iconography of a smaller town in a neighboring region44. Yet, the preserved specimens p. 48. More generally, this type belongs to the group P of the Acarnanian silver coins in the standard classification by Imhoof-Blumer F. 1878, p. 29-32, types n° 31-36. See also Dany O. 1999, p. 300-306, and 336-338 types VII-XI, Head B. V. 1911, p. 333 and schwabacher w. 1953, p. 221-223. All the types of this group are known either as a unique coin or in a few specimens only, and none so far was discovered in a coin hoard. Their weight ranges from almost 6,5 to less than 3 g. This group displays a variety of reverse types, one of them being a unique specimen with the standing figure of Apollo Citharoedus and an elephant, another Seleucid symbol, on the obverse, thus linking the whole group even more firmly to Antiochus' expedition. For this coin see the above-mentioned literature, especially wroth w. 1892, p. 9-11. For the dating of the issues of the whole group, including both types with Artemis, either to the period of preparations or during the campaign, see schwabacher w. 1953, p. 222, oost S. I. 1954, p. 62, Dany O. 1999, p. 304 and Grainger J. D. 2002, p. 234, note 22. 44 gardner P. 1878, p. 90-102 supposed that Antiochus's expedition in Greece had its wider numismatic aspect in that some other coinages displaying a mixture of local and Seleucid elements of iconography were issued by allied cities and states to promote his exploits; this supposition was accepted by babelon E. 1890, p. lxxxi-lxxxiv. Such coinages supposedly included the tetradrachmas of the League of the Aetolians, who asked Antiochus for military help and organized the first stages of his expedition ; the tetradrachmas of Chalcis, in which he established his headquarters ; the didrachmas of Carystus in Euboea, and the bronze coins of Hephaestia in Lemnos and of Amynander, the king of the Athamanes, who welcomed the arrival of Antiochus and/or had high expectations for the results of his expedition. For references to these coinages see BMC Central Greece 85, pi. 21/1 for Chalcis, and 18, pi. 19/2, for Carystus ; BMC Thessaly - Aetolia 9-11, pi. 30/6, for the Aetolian issues, and also BMC Seleucid Kings of Syria, p. xxvi and 29, n° 1-4, pi. 28/2-4, for the coinages of Carystus and of the Aetolian League with the portrait of Antiochus III ; BMC Thessaly - Aetolia 1-4, pi. 18/5, for Amynander ; BMC Thrace 6, for Hephaestia. However, in his thorough study of the Euboean coinage Picard rejected this supposition regarding the tetradrachmas of Chalcis, because he convincingly demonstrated that the beginning of this issue could not have been earlier than the 180's or 170's B.C.; see Picard O. 1979, p. 91 and 284 (3). The other issues mentioned above certainly need more critical restudy. DUBRAVKA UJES of the Acamanian issues with Artemis are so unusual and rare that the question naturally arises if they could have been influential enough to be copied by the mint of Rhizon. The characteristics of the group to which the types with Artemis belong, especially the reduced weight and discontinuity of the choice of coin types, rather imply a reduced overall output, especially of the type with an anchor. Moreover, it seems likely that they were completely demonetarized immediately after the failure of Antiochus' expedition. Hence these Acarnanian coins could hardly have had any significant influence on the mint of Rhizon, although they are apparently so similar. The alliance of the Acarnanians with the Illyrians in 229 B.C. during the reign of queen Teuta seems to have been only short-lived and with no stable basis45. In the almost forty years between this alliance and the expedition of Antiochus III to Acarnania, the situation on the eastern shores of the Adriatic and Ionian Seas changed substantially, so that it would be implausible to suppose any connection between these two regions of so great consequence that would result in the direct imitation of a coin type. On the whole, the chronologies of the coinages with the comparable reverse types indicate the second half of the 3rd and the first half of the 2nd century B.C. as a broad period in which the figure of Artemis with a torch frequently occurs. This iconographic analogy suggests that the Rhizonian coinage with this type may well belong to this same period. On the whole, the numismatic and historical evidence pose no obstacle to this suggestion. An evaluation of the place of this Rhizonian coinage within its regional numismatic environment, i.e. among the other coinages which were struck in the Illyrian regions during this period, may help to define a more narrow time span to which it probably belongs. See Polybius 2.6, 9-10 on the beginning of this alliance in 230 B.C. In the spring of 229 B.C. the fleet of the Illyrians and Acarnanians defeated the fleet of the Achaeans and Aetolians at the island of Paxos south of Corcyra, Polybius 2.10,1-6. There is no further mention of combined actions of the Illyrians and Acarnanians after the treaty imposed on the Illyrians by the Romans in 228 B.C. Among the forces of Antigonus Doson at the battle of Sellasia in 222 B.C. Polybius (2. 65, 4, 2. 66, 5 and 10, 67, 1 and 7, and 68, 9) mentioned the Acarnanians, and also his Illyrian allies under the command of Demetrius of Pharus, but nothing indicates that there was then an alliance between the Illyrians and the Acarnanians. The chronologies of issuing of the post- Ballios coinage and also of its predecessor, the coinage of king Ballaios in Rhizon, are certainly comprised within the same time span. The presence of Artemis on these almost certainly earlier coinages made the reappearance of a slightly modified representation of the goddess easy, even supposing a short interval of inactivity of the mint after the cessation of issuing of the Post-Ballaios type. Moreover, the figure of Artemis with a torch is specific for the coinages of Ballaios and the autonomous coinages of the Rhizonian mint, and does not appear on any other coinage in the Illyrian regions, either of the indigenous Illyrian tribes or of the Greek cities along the eastern Adriatic coast. Besides its specific iconography, other characteristics of the Rhizonian coinage with Apollo and Artemis, such as its weight46 and its overall appearance, differ considerably from the characteristics of the coinages of the Illyrian issuing authorities: the towns of Scodra47 and Lissus48, the tribes of the Labeates49 and the The metrology of the Illyrian coinages still needs to be studied and the weight standards of the bronze issues remain uncertain. For the purpose of this study it suffices to emphasize that the average weights of all the types of these coinages are considerably greater than the average weight of the Rhizonian type with Apollo and Artemis. Compare, for instance, the weights of the issues of Scodra, Lissus and Genthius as indicated in the catalogue to Islam S. 1966, p. 240-252. 47 Scodra in the region of the Labeates is indicated as the Illyrian capital by Livy 45.26,2, and by Floras, Epitomae 1. 29,3. Livy 44.31,2-3, records that Scodra was the center of resistance to the Romans - Genthius organized it as the main fortress for his whole kingdom because it was the strongest town of the Labeates, and difficult to approach. 48 It is unclear whether Lissus was a profoundly Hellenized Illyrian town or a foundation of the elder Dionysios of Syracuse, as is stated by Diodoras 15.13, 4-5 ; for a discussion of various views of Diodoras' statement see May J. M. F. 1946, p. 48 (4). However, Lissus is commonly reckoned as an Illyrian issuing authority because its coinage doubtlessly belongs to the period of reign of Genthius, who placed his headquarters in Lissus and probably made it his residence and a temporary capital, because it was by far the strongest defensible position in the core region of his kingdom, as is stated by Livy, 44.30,6-8. See also Polybius 28.8, 4-5 and Livy 43. 20, 2-4, who indicate that king Genthius was in Lissus in 169 B.C. 49 For the Labeates and their territory see Livy 43. 31,2, 44.31,10 and 32,3, and especially 43.19,3, where it is indicated that Genthius was reigning in the land of the Labeates. See above for Scodra as their town. Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria Daorsi , and king Genthius . All the issues of these authorities are in only bronze, with just a few preserved specimens and, with only one exception, had a restricted area of circulation. The basis for establishing the chronology of the issues of these authorities is provided by the coinage of king Genthius, with the symbol of a Macedonian shield on the obverse and his name and royal title on the reverse52. The appearance of an unmistakably Macedonian symbol manifestly reveals the political influence under which this coinage was initiated and also determines its chronology: during Genthius' alliance with Perseus and not later than 168 B.C. Within this same chronological framework should be dated also the issues of Scodra and Lissus bearing the types with the Macedonian shield, which, according to May, seem to have been issued either at the same time or slightly earlier than the royal issues. King Genthius also issued a type with purely Illyrian symbols: the head of the Illyrian divinity Rhedon, i.e. a beardless male head wearing a causia, facing to the right on the obverse, and on the reverse a galley, perhaps a lembus, a light Illyrian vessel53. This 50 For the Daorsi see Polybius 32. 9,2, Livy 45.26,14, Appian Illyrica 2, and Strabo 7.5,5. They inhabited the hinterland of central Dalmatia and were subject to Genthius. 51 For the literary sources concerning Genthius, see STAHELINF. 1910, p. 1198-1201. 52 The sequence of varius types of coins issued by king Genthius in the mints of Scodra and Lissus was established by May J, M. F. 1946, p. 49-50, 52-54. An earlier proposal by EVANS A. J. 1880, p. 269-286 related the issues with the shield to the period of its domination by the Macedonians following the capture of Lissus by Philip V in 213 B.C. This proposal was accepted by BRUNSMID J. 1898, p. 70 and 74, but May convincingly disproved it. A study by ISLAMI I. 1966, p. 225-253 added new material to the discussion, but the chronology he proposed for the related issues of Scodra, Lissus and Genthius (p. 232-233) is not plausible, in that he dated the issues of the towns bearing the Macedonian shield not only during the period of alliance of Genthius with Perseus, but also much earlier, as well as after 168 B.C. CEKA H. 1972, p. 154 expressed a similar opinion to Island's. See also a detailed study of the types with the Macedonian shield by LlAMPl K. 1998, p. 146-148, generally agreeing with May's conclusions about the chronology. The coinages of the Illyrian issuing authorities still need more critical studying and a reassessment of the chronology of some specific types. 53 For the identification of the head on the obverse as that of the male divinity Rhedon, which better suits its appearing on the coinages of the towns and tribes, and type has been dated to the period preceding the alliance with Perseus54, during which Genthius officially although not very resolutely adhered the pro-Roman policy developed by his father Pleuratus55. This is the only Illyrian issue that circulated beyond its area of issuing, and it reached the northern regions of Genthius' kingdom, as is attested by specimens discovered as far away as central Dalmatia56. The same type was issued by Lissus, and is considered as synchronous with the related type of Genthius57. It was also issued by the tribe of the Labeates58, probably in their capital Scodra, and by the Daorsi in central Dalmatia (fig. 8/1 and 8/2)59. Very probably all these issues should also be dated to Genthius' reign60. not as the portrait of Genthius, see ceka h. 1976, p. 29- 34. 54 For the chronology see May j. m. F. 1946, p. 53. The type was first published by Evans A. j. 1880, p. 271, n° 4, pi. 13/6. brunsmid j. 1898, p. 71, n° 3-5. See also ceka H. 1972, p. 153-154, and Rendic-Miocevic D. 1969, p. 1-7. 55 Around 189 b.C., Pleuratus was considered the most powerful among the Illyrian rulers, which he became with the help of the Romans, see Polybius 21.11,8 and 21.21,3-4. 56 See for instance marovic I. 1976, p. 223, n° 1, which was discovered near Split. 57 The issue of Lissus should be dated at the same time as the corresponding issue of Genthius, see May j. m. 1946, p. 53-54. See also brunsmid j. 1898, p. 74, 3-4, SNG Cop. Thessaly - Illyricum 524, ISLAMi S. 1966, p. 235-236 and 245, and jubanib. 1972, p. 70-73. 58 jubani b. 1972, p. 69-75 first published this coinage dating it to 168-167 b.C. See also rendic-miocevic D. 1973, p. 9-24. See below for more plausible chronology. 59 brunsmid J. 1898, p. 74-75, n° 1-2, baslerd. 1971, p. 333-336, maric Z. 1976, p. 253-260, marovic I. 1976, p. 229-231. The issue by the Daorsi is of a slightly different style, but all the details of its iconography are the same and there is no substantial difference in their weight. 60 All the authors cited in the previous fotnote dated this issue after 168 b.C. However, see May j. m. F. 1946, p. 54 (35), who is right in considering it improbable that the types nearly identical to those of Genthius could be used after his downfall. Hence both the tribal issues should be dated to the same period as the related issue of Genthius. The grounds for the earlier chronology were sought in Livy's record (45. 26, 13-15) of Anicius' decree given in Scodra in 168 b.C. which indicates that the Daorsi were favored with immunitas by the Romans because having joined their side before the final defeat of Genthius. In light of this information, their coinage was understood as commemorating their liberation from Genthius' rule and dated after 168 b.C. The reason for which the Labeates would have been granted the coinage of the same type thus remains uncertain, DUBRAVKA UJES Fig. 8/1 : a bonze coin of the Daorsi. Published by MARIC Z. 1976, p. 256. F %. 8/2 : a bronze coin of the Labeates. Reproduced from RENDIC MIOCEVIC D. 1973, p. 24. None of the above-mentioned Illyrian issues has any similarity to the issues of Rhizon. Altogether there are no numismatic grounds for correlating the Rhizonian type featuring Apollo and Artemis with the Illyrian issues datable to the reign of Genthius. Rhizon does not seem to have had a place in Genthius' minting policy. Even if it were supposed that an independent coinage might have been present in the northern part of his realm, the Rhizonian coinage is so dissimilar that it could be better explained as belonging to a different epoch. There arises the question if the Rhizonitae could have been allowed to mint coinage by the Romans, or if they could have independently started their own coinage after 168 B.C. The thorough plundering which followed the conquest of Illyria by the Romans makes it rather difficult to posit any minting by an Illyrian issuing authority after 168 B.C.61. The presence in 167 B.C. of a because they were not mentioned as a favored tribe, in contrast with the Rhizonitae, who were indicated as liberos and immunes, so a Rhizonian coinage of this type should rather have been expected, but none such has been discovered so far. This whole interpretation should better be abandoned. 61 Livy 45. 43, 5 records that in the triumph of L. Anicius Gallus for his victory over Genthius and the Illyrians were carried 27 pounds of gold and 19 of silver, 13.000 denarii and 120.000 specimens of the "Illyrian silver"; Livy however judged it as a much lesser one than the contemporary triumph over Perseus and Macedonia. It remains unresolved which coins were Roman garrison in Rhizon (Livy 45. 26, 2) does not suggest that the conditions were then favorable for issuing an autonomous coinage. These remarks in fact apply to the question of the chronology of all the other coinages produced in Rhizon. Without direct information from the extant literary sources but with the evidence provided by the coins themselves, it seems more plausible to date the autonomous Rhizonian type with Apollo and Artemis before 168 B.C., and perhaps even before the reign of Genthius. This period coincides with the reign of Pleuratus, Genthius' father. The historical sources indicate he pursued a pro-Roman policy, which seems to have brought a calmer period of restoring the forces for the Illyrians62. Thus the very end of the 3 rd and the first two or three decades of the 2nd century B.C. appear as the probable period for the issuing of the second autonomous coinage of Rhizon. For this period, as well as in general, there is practically no information from the literary sources regarding the relations of the coastal towns, such as Rhizon, with the regional power, or with the Illyrian kingdom. Almost nothing applicable to Rhizon can be inferred from Polybius' (5.4,3-4) mention of "jtoXtSuvaoxat" who vexed King Scerdilaidas. The archaeological evidence sheds some more light on the contexts of the Rhizonitan coinages, including the second autonomous type. Although not yet sufficiently excavated, the site of the ancient town of Rhizon has yielded important finds, which indicate that Rhizon had been a port of trade on the intersection of sea- and land routes, through which various commodities and goods were distributed further inland63. The fragments of distinct imported types of pottery are especially meant as the "Illyrian silver". It seems that Livy 44. 27, 8-12 implies that in 168 B.C. in Pella Perseus allowed the minting of 300 talents of silver for Genthius. No extant specimen can be related to this information, but Crawford M. 1985, 221 suggested that these coins might be Livy's "Illyrian silver". 62 See the above footnote 55. Polybius 18. 47, 12 records that the Romans reassigned to Pleuratus Lychnis and Parthus, which had previously been occupied by Philip V. 63 For the finds of pottery see UJES D. 1999, passim. The finds of pottery of South Italian origin include the types datable from the late 4th to the 2nd centuries B.C., such as late red-figure pottery perhaps of Apulian production, late Gnathia pottery, the pottery with late Gnathia elements, and Canosa pottery. Some of the high-quality pottery might well come from Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, but the lack of a comprehensive work on these centers of production prevents a more precise attribution. Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria indicative of contacts with the neighboring regions. Such pottery of ascertained chronology mostly came from Southern Italy, implying that the contacts with the opposite side of the Adriatic Sea were frequent. Finds of coins from Southern Italy also occurred among the stray site finds: a quadrans of Petelia in Bruttium and a diobol of Heraclea in Lucania64. Conversely, the bronze coins of Ballaios of the Rhizonitan type have been discovered on many sites in Italy, leaving no doubt that the exchange of coinage was reciprocal65. Hence it seems that the Rhizonitans were in active contact with the western Adriatic coast in the period close to the issuance of the autonomous coinages, presumably for trade and, possibly, in connection with the recruitment of mercenaries. The movement of people across the Adriatic Sea, which caused the movement of coinage and pottery, became more intensive from the First Illyrian war onward66. In this light, the above- mentioned close resemblance of the Rhizonitan autonomous coinage with the coinage of the Mamertines gains importance : it seems to add to the likelihood of dating the Rhizonitan autonomous coinage around the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries B.C. The autonomous coinages of Rhizon thus appear more understandable in their historical context, and their issuing seems datable as follows: - The Post-Ballaios type was issued in continuity after the issuing of Ballaios in Rhizon, near the end of the 3rd century B.C. - The Apollo/Artemis type is datable to the period between the last decade of the 3rd and the second or at the latest the third decade of the 2nd century B.C. 64 ujes D. 1993, Heraclea: Group find I, no. 54, BMC Italy 42, ca. 380-281 B.C., but the coin is perforated and hence it was in a prolonged, though non-monetary use which could explain its combination with later coins in the same site-context ; Petelia : group find II, n° 35, BMC Italy 1, 216-89 B.C. There are also finds of coins of Dyrrhachium, group find I: drachma, n° 55, BMC Corinth 27-31, ca. 250-229 B.C., and bronze coins n° 56-58, BMC Thessaly - Aetolia 158-169 (type), ca. 229- 100 B.C.; group find II: bronze coins, n° 32-34, same type as the previous. For the circumstances of discovery of the group finds, see the above footnote 6. 65 For the finds of the coins of king Ballaios in Italy, see VisonAP. 1985, p. 117-121 and GoriniG. 1989, p. 30- 31. 66 See Crawford M. 1978, p. 1-11. acknowledgments I wish to express my thanks to the following colleagues for their kind help : - Dr. Andrew Meadows, the Keeper of Greek Coin Collection of the British Museum, for providing the scannings for the illustraitons 4 and 7/4-8. - Dr. Dominique Gerin, Cabinet des Medailles, Collection des monnaies grecques, for providing the scannings for the illustrations 6/1-2 and 7/1-3. - Mr. Nikola Seldarov for providing the scannings of two coins from his collection, here 6/3 a and b. - Dr. Henry Kim, the Keeper of Greek Coin Collection of the Ashmolean Museum, for providing the scannings for the coin 8/1 in the illustration 2. Catalogue This catalogue includes all the specimens of both types of the Rhizonian autonomous coinage which were available for the study. 1. The first, or post-Ballaios type : Variant I: slightly larger flan, linear schematization of the style, and the inscription clearly present on the first four specimens. 1. 1,86 g, 12,10 mm, 9. Ashmolean Museum. Evans A. J. 1880, p. 292 (giving 1,200 g as weight), group I: autonomous coins of Rhizon n° 2, pi. 13/10. For more literature see footnote 10 in the text. 2. 1,89 g, 11,70 mm, 9. Archaeological Museum in Split. marovic I. 1988, p. 96, pi. 22/la-b. This and the previous specimen n° 1 share the same obverse dies and moreover are very close to the obverse of n° 3. 3. 0,80 g, 11,75 mm, 4. Very thin flan. Podgorica. Only -AN- can be discerned. 4. 1,50 g, /, /. Present location unknown. Evans A. J. 1880, p. 294, group IV: coins of a successor of Ballaeus n° 1, pl.14/11. - The indicated weight was given by Evans. However, see n° 1 above for the difference between his and Gorini's measuring. Hence this might be the specimen with the greatest preserved weight so far recorded. - The part of the inscription on the left, in front of the figure of Artemis, should be read NIT[AN]. Evans proposed MY(A/N?), in which N close to I was read as M, T as Y and A as A or N. This would be the only specimen of this type with the syllable NI legible. 5. 1,12 g, 11 mm, 10. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May's collection. Published by Gorini G. 1991, p. 27, n° 29 (not illustrated) as a "barbarous imitation" of Ballaios' coins of the Rhizonian type, with a remark "unclassifiable". DUBRAVKA UJES 6. 0,930 g, 11,30 mm, 6(?). Podgorica. Variant II: very small flan, the head sometimes seems to be to the left (such as n° 7, 11 and 12), differently schematized style, inscription discernible on one specimen only. The sequence of these coins is arranged according to their weight. 7. 1,64 g, 10,30 mm, / (the obverse is not well preserved). Belgrade, IGBC (Inventory of Greek Bronze Coins) n° 194. ujes D. 1993, p. 21, group find I, n° 50. 8. 1,43 g, 11,80 mm, 12. Only -ZO- can be discerned. Belgrade, IGBC n° 189. ujes D. 1993, p. 21 and 28, group find I, n° 45. 9. 1,12 g, 10,90 mm, 5. Belgrade, IGBCn° 191. ujes D. 1993, p. 21, group find I, n° 47. 10. 1,00 g, 9,65 mm, / (the obverse is not well preserved). Belgrade, IGBCn° 193. ujes D. 1993, p. 21, group find I, n° 49. 11. 0,955 g, 10,30 mm, / (the obverse is not well preserved). Podgorica. 12. 0,88 g, 10,65 mm, 11. Belgrade, IGBCn° 192. ujes D. 1993, p. 21, group find I, n° 48. 13. 0,875 g, 10,25 mm, 7. Three dots(?) in front of the head. Podgorica. 14. 0,825 g, 10,15 mm, / (the reverse is not centered). Podgorica. 15. 0,69 g, 9,90 mm, 11. Belgrade, IGBC n° 190. ujes D. 1993, 21 and 28, group find I, n° 46. 16. 0,595 g, 8,00 mm, / (the obverse is not well preserved). Podgorica. 2. The second, or Apollo/Artemis type : The specimens are grouped according to their obverse dies. Reverse dies may differ. If not otherwise stated, the specimens are from the collection in Podgorica. Group 1 1.3,625 g, 14,75 mm, 6. 2. 2,110 g, 12,25 mm, 6. 3.2,000g, 11,65 mm, /. 4. 1,960 g, 12,90 mm, 6. 5. 1,645 g, 11,60 mm, 6. 6. 1,585 g, 13,45 mm, 6. 7. 1,480 g, 12,50 mm, 6. 8. 1,250 g, 11,20 mm, 3. Belgrade, IGBCrf 226. ujes D. 1993, group find II, n° 25. 9. 1,220 g, 15,00 mm, 9. 10. l,170g, 11,55 mm, 3. 11. 0,84 g, 11,90 mm, 4. Belgrade, IGBC n° 227. ujes D. 1993, group find II, n° 26. Group 2 1. 1,720 g, 11,90 mm, 9. 2. 1,16 g, 12,10 mm, 1. Belgrade, IGBC n° 182. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 38. 3. 1,00 g. Diameter and the position of the dies remain unknown. Evans A. J. 1880, p. 294, group IV: coins of a successor of Ballaeus n° 2, pl.14/12. 4. 1,00 g, 12,00 mm, 9. Belgrade, IGBCn° 183. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 39. 5. 0,98 g, 11,60 mm, 9. Belgrade, IGBC n° 245. ujes D. 1993, group find III, n° 11. 6. 0,942 g, 11 mm, 2. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. gorinig. 1991, 50. 7. 0,940 g, 11 mm, 6. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. gorini g. 1991, 51. 8. 0,892 g, 11 mm, 2. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. gorini g. 1991, 52. 9.0,855 g, 12,55 mm, 9. 10. 0,85 g, 11,90 mm, 9. Belgrade, IGBC n° 184. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 40. 11. 0,63 g, 10,85 mm, 7. Belgrade, IGBC n° 185. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 41. Group 3 1. 1,685 g, 12,45 mm, 12. 2. 1,672 g, 13 mm, 12. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. gorini g. 1991, 45. 3. 1,630 g, 11,50 mm,/. 4. 1,620 g, 14,00 mm, 3. 5. 1,50 g. Details remain unknown. evans A. J. 1880, p. 294, group IV : coins of a successor of Ballaeus n° 3, pi. 14/13. 6. 1,479 g, 13 mm, 3. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. Gorini g. 1991, 47. 7. 1,280 g, 12,25 mm, 3. 8. 1,020 g, 11,60 mm, 9. Group 4 1. 3,054 g, 13 mm, 7. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. Gorini g. 1991,43. 2. 2,10 g, 11,10 mm, 3. Ashmolean Museum, discovered by A. J. Evans in Risan and donated in 1934. 3. 1,630 g, 13,45 mm, 9. 4. 1,511 g, 13 mm, 2. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. gorini g. 1991,46. 5. 1,058 g, 11 mm, /. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. gorini g. 1991, 49. Group 5 1.2,475 g, 14,90 mm, 4. 2. 2,29 g, 13,30 mm, 12. Belgrade, IGBC n° 181. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 37. 3 1,705 g, 13 mm, 10. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. Gorini g. 1991,44. 4. 1,705 g, 14,50 mm, 3. Autonomous coinage of Rhizon in Illyria Group 6 1.4,725g, 17,20 mm, 11. 2. 1,315 g, 10,45 mm,/. 3. 1,270 g, 10,50 mm, 3. Group 7 1. 2,00 g, 11,20 mm, 12. Belgrade, IGBC n° 186. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 42. 2. 0,75 g, 9,20 mm, 9. Belgrade, IGBC n° 246. ujes D. 1993, group find III, n° 12. 3. 0,825 g, 9,85 mm, /. 8. Two specimens with specific die-combinations, not related to the groups 1. 1,86 g, 10,10 mm, 9. Ashmolean Museum, discovered by A. J. Evans in Risan and donated in 1934. GoriniG. 1991, b. This is the only specimen that displays the second part of the inscription -ITAN to the right, in front of the figure of Artemis. Its relief is the best preserved of all, yet the flan was considerably smaller than the surface of the dies, so that the types are not completely visible. 2. 1,075 g, 11,45 mm, / (obverse obliterated). 9. Unclassifiable specimens, because worn, corroded or partially obliterated 1.2,150g, 13,10 mm,/. 2. 1,79 g, 11,10 mm, 9. Belgrade, IGBC n° 187. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 43. 3. 1,435 g, 12,65 mm, /. 4. 1,287 g, 11 mm, pierced, in poor condition. Ashmolean Museum, from J. M. F. May collection. GORINIG. 1991,48. 5. 1,00 g, 12,00 mm, 1. Belgrade, IGBCn° 188. ujes D. 1993, group find I, n° 44. 6. 0,90 g, 12,80 mm, 7. Belgrade, IGBC n° 228. ujes D. 1993, group find II, n° 27. 7. 0,76 g, 10,70 mm, 9. Belgrade, IGBCn° 230. ujes D. 1993, group find II, n° 29. 8. 0,72 g, 12,00 mm, 4. Belgrade, IGBCvP 229. ujes D. 1993, group find II, n° 28. 9. Weight, diameter and the position of the dies remain unknown. EVANS A. J. 1880, 294, group IV: coins of a successor of Ballaeus n° 4, pi. 14/15, reported as being kept in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. Appendices to the catalogue 1. List of the illegible specimens There are 35 obliterated specimens in Podgorica. They are not worn, but either corrosion or excessively abrasive removing of their patina damaged their shallow relief. Most of them probably belong to the variant II of the Post-Ballaios type, because of their small size and weight. However, some larger specimens might also belong to the other autonomous type. Their attribution is unclear, but all these coins most probably belong to either one or another autonomous type, and for this reason they are listed here cumulatively. 1. 1,975 g; 10,55 mm. 2. 1,785 g; 11,45 mm. 3. 1,780 g; 10,40 mm. 4. 1,720 g; 11,75 mm. 5. 1,645 g; 11,25 mm.. 6. 1,600 g; 12,00 mm. 7. 1,570 g; 12,90 mm. 8. 1,540 g; 13,55 mm. 9. 1,455 g; 10,80 mm. 10. 1,425 g; 11,50 mm. 11. 1,420 g; 14,00 mm. 12. 1,385 g; 12,40 mm. 13. 1,210 g; 12,30 mm. 14. 1,180 g; 10,50 mm. 15. 1,170 g; 11,50 mm. 16. 1,170 g; 10,30 mm. 17. 1,080 g; 10,50 mm. 18. 1,060 g; 10,15 mm. 19. 1,040 g; 09,85 mm. 20. 0,930 g; 10,70 mm. 21. 0,910 g; 10,40 mm. 22. 0,870 g; 08,65 mm. 23. 0,825 g; 11,85 mm. 24. 0,820 g; 10,40 mm. 25. 0,790 g; 13,60 mm. 26. 0,765 g; 10,90 mm. 27. 0,750 g; 10,35 mm. 28. 0,735 g; 9,75 mm. 29. 0,725 g; 10,60 mm. 30. 0,680 g; 11,85 mm. 31. 0,640 g; 8,20 mm. 32. 0,620 g; 9,70 mm. 33.0,620 g; 9,65 mm. 34.0,575 g; 11,25 mm. 35. 0,480 g; 10,40 mm. 2. Total number of specimens available for the study : 107 specimens. 1. Post-Ballaios type: 16 specimens - Podgorica 6, Belgrade 6, Ashmolean 2, Split 1, and one known only from the publication by Evans A. J. 1880, p. 294, pi. 14/11. 2. Apollo-Artemis type: 56 - Podgorica 26, Belgrade 15, Ashmolean 12, and 3 known from the publication by evans A. J. 1880, p. 294, pi. 14/12, 13 and 15. 3. Illegible - obliterated: 35 specimens, all in Podgorica. 3. The coins in the museum collections : 103 specimens. 1. Ashmolean 14: 2 Post-Ballaios type (further referred to as PB) and 12 Apollo-Artemis (A/A) type. Publication: 1 by evans A. J. 1880, p. 292, pi. 13/10 (1 PB, here n° 1/1), 12 by gorini G. 1991 (11 A/A and 1 PB), and 1 published here for the first time (A/A, 4/2). Regarding 12 specimens published by G. Gorini 1991, p. 28: DUBRAVKA UJES a/ 10 A/A come from the alleged hoard from J. M. F. May's collection, previously unpublished, but studied by May in 1930s. Here 2/6-8, 3/2 and 6, 4/1, 4-5, 5/3, 8/1 and 9/4). b/ 1 of A/A type, indicated as 'b' because believed to have been published by Evans A. J. 1880, but it is not any of the specimens published there. Here 8/1. c/ 1 of PB type, published accidentally as n° 29 of "barbarous imitations" of Ballaios' coins of 'A' (i.e. Rhizonian) type. Here 1/5. 2. Belgrade 21: 6 PB and 15 A/A. Published by UJES D. 1993. 3. Split: 1 PB. Published by marovic I. 1988, p. 96, pi. 22/1 a-b. 4. Podgorica 67 specimens: 6 PB, 26 A/A, 35 illegible. All published here for the first time. 4. Additional note The specimen published by Evans A. 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