Roman victoriati in perspective from the other side of the Adriatic more

Acta Numismatica HRVATSKO NUMIZMATlCKO DRUSTVO THE PONTIFICAL INSTITUTE OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES LUll RNIJSKO N U i\11 /. M AT IC KO DRl'S'IVO INCC 2004 ZBORNIK RADOVA 4. MEDUNARODNOG NUMI/.MATICKOG KONCiRESA U HRVATSKO) 2(1-25. rujna 2004. Start Grad (Pharos), otok Hvar i M/li XUirko /Wo, It nut ska PROCEEDINGS OETHE 4th INTERNATIONAL NUMISMATIC CONGRESS IN CROATIA September 20-2.5. 2004 Start Gmd (Pharos), the island of Hvar and M/S Marko Polo, Croatia Rijcka. MMV Roman victoriati in perspective from the other side of the Adriatic Y. Stoyas, Athens, Greece Summary: The origin ofthe victoriatus as it has been cited by literary sources Cex lllyhco advectus". "peregrinus nummus") is re-examined through numismatic evidence, based especially on metrological data and coin circulation. One point can be made by the ratber puzzling fact that the presence of victoriati in coin ho<irds and stray finds is minimal in the present-day Btdkan Peninsula. Moreover, it is argued that the introduction of the victonatus has to be tiewed more closely in historical context, associated to a specific turning point of the Second Punic War the fall of Capua in 211 BC. Applying a revised interpretation to the victoriate coin series sheds new light ufron the paucity of the finds in the area across the Adriatic Sea. alongside with the eventual abandonment of production (ca. 170-165 BC). 'the relaunch from the late 2nd c. BComvards of victoriate issues denoting another monetary denomination (quinarius or half-denarius) provides further understanding, gained with the assistance of literary and epigrapbical testimony. Furthermore, the circumstances under which a certain rare issue of Roman victoriati and quinarii was struck at Corcyra (RRC 101) are viewed uiihin a broader set of events and a new chronology is proposed for this emission (ca. 199 BC). Key words: victoriatus; Roman Republic; coin circulation; Adriatic; Corcyra In memoriam nepotis ex sorore The challenging puzzle of a rather peculiar denomination thai appeared for a while in (he coin production of the Roman Republic, the victoriatus (pi. 1.1). has troubled for a long time numismatic research. The sporadically struck victoriate issues' consist a perplexing coin series that has caused quite a controversy regarding its introduction, function and circulation2. As a crucial factor it has been highlighted by scholars - already in the 19th century - the intriguing notion that the victoriatus ' Besides the regular victoriati (RRC 4-1/1 onwards) there is known a unique double-victoriaius (RRC 90/1) and some rate half-victoriati Issues (RRC 95/2 and 9K.V2). 1 In a selective overview of the research the following studies can lxr mentioned: E.A. Sydenham, The Vicioriaie'. i\'C. 1932. 73-95: H.B. Matlingly. The Vktoriaie", NC, 1957. 97-119; R. Thomscn. Early Roman Coinage. A Study of the Chronology. Copenhagen 1957-1961. vol. II. 320ff-. H.B. Mattingly. 'New Light on the Roman Victoriate-. in Essays In Greek Coinage presented ro Stanley Robinson (CM. Kraay. G.K.Jenkins cd*>, Oxford 1968, 210-28; M il. Crawford. Roman Refiuhlican Coinage (hereafter RRC). Cambridge 1974. csp. 7. 56-7, 628-30. For a brief account see C. Howgego. Ancient History from Coins. London • New York 1995, 112. 225 hud a foreign origin, as asserted in two passages: one by Plinius ("... hie nummus ex JUyrico advectus mercis loco balwlxtttti''*) and a second by Voiusius Maecianus ("... ut peregrinus nummus loco mercis... balfebatur"1). From early on, an lllyrian connection was easy to l>e pinpointed in association wiih the drachms struck by Apollonia and Dyrrachion (pi. 1.2) which have a similar weight of ca. 3.4 g and are usually dated after 229/8 BC These Apollonian and Dyrrachian drachms (sometimes called also vicioriates)* have been occasionally thought to form the link with the other side of the Adriatic, somehow contributing in the creation of the Roman vicloriati. A catalyst proves to be the acceptance of the inference that the introduction of the victoriatus, as well as of the denarius (pi. 1.3). is set within the context of the dramatic changes brought in the Roman monetary system due to the impact of the critical conflict with Hannibal (Second Punic War, 219-202 BC). For the initiation of the victoriaius (and the denarius) coin series it is nowadays generally accepted that the study of metrological data and overstrikes offers a secure terminus post quern (mid-214 BC)''. Moreover, the hoard evidence gives the certainly that lx>th vicloriati and denarii had appeared in 211 BC7. Pivotal role towards this dating played a find (pot hoard)s from Morgantina'' comprised by vicloriati, and denominations of the denarius system10, buried shortly after their minting. The very fine condition of these coins in connection with the testimony of T. Livius (26.21.14-17) for the second" revolt of Morgantina (Murgentia) and the sacking of this city by the Romans in 211 BC give a decisive clue for a firm terminus ante quem,:. Accordingly, two Punic coins from Sicily have l>cen found lo lie struck over a denarius and a victoriaius: this proves that the two Roman coins must have been minted iK'fore the expulsion of (he Carthaginians from Sicily in 210 BC". Dating more precisely the launch of the ' Hlstoria Naiuratts, 33.13 46. ' IX* ttssxs distnbtitto, 45; published in the volume lurtspnidi'iiluw antcittstinianae quae su/iersunt (RE. Huichke ed), Lcipsig 1886. * A valid reference f<« the coin .series of the rWO cities is provided by inscriptions in the sanctuary of Delos: dracbmeapoUontailkfi ID 1422 (shortly after 156 BC) and ID 1449 (shorty before 140 BC). ' For a fair summary of the discussion regarding (lie inception of denarius: W.T. Loomis, "The Introduction of the Denarius", in Transitions to Emjnrc: Essays In Gnxo-ftoman History. 360-146 BC. in Honor ojE. Iia<tiati (H W. Wallace. EM Harris eds), Norman - London 1996. 338-55 (arguing for 215 HO; A. Meadows, The Mars / eagle and thunderbolt gold and Ptolemaic involvcnwnt in tlie Second Punic War', in Coins of Macedonia anil Rome: Essays in Honour ojCharles Hersh (A. Burnett el al. eds), London 1998, 133. * Again see Loomis 1996. op, erf.; Meadows 1998. op. cit. * RRCH72 (Morgantina 1958); cf. also RRCH 552 (Morgantina 1955-59). * For ihe importani numismatic finds of this site in Sicily see: T.V. Buitrey et al.. Morgantina Studies II: The Coins. Princeton 1989 (hereafter Buttiey et al. 19891. esp. 220-26 (reprint with emendations of T.V. liuiirey: Morgantina and the IVnarius*. SitmAntCtas 8 (1979). 149-157). B Deposit 29 from the South Sanctuary of Dander and Core in Morgantina - Thomsen 1961, op. at., vol. II, 36t. RRCH 72; Buttrey et al. 1989. 216, 221: four vicloriati. one denarius, three quirurii. one sestertius (all anonymous issues). " Morgantina (Murgentia) had revolted once more in 214 ISC and had been captured by the Romans at that same year (T. Livius, 24.36.10). 11 Any connection with ihe events of 214 ISC has to be ruled out as shown by A M. Burnett, The Coinage of Punic Sicily during the Hannibalic War', in La Sicitia Ira I'Egittov Roma. La mvnetazione siracusana dcll'etu dikronen (Maria Caccamo-Caltabianoed ). Messina 1995. 383-99. esp. 386. 0 A. ISuineti. Coinage tit the Roman Vbrtd, London 1987, 34. 226 INCC 2004 victoriatus and ihe denarius turns out to be a more difficult task. For the denarius the range 214-212 BC" is possible or one may stick to the more traditional chronology' of 211 IiC (or just before that)11. It remains still an issue "whether the victoriate is a little older than the denarius, or whether the two coins were introduced by the same monetary reform"16. One hint that the victoriatus might pre-date the denarius is provided by the Mandanici hoard (Sicily)'7, however this remains inconclusive1*. On the other hand, other clues mostly from hoard evidence, like the already mentioned Morgantina hoard'9, make more probable that "there can be only the tiniest interval, if any, between victoriatus and denarius, and it seems best to regard them as contemporary" w. At this point another factor has to lie stressed, one that has been rather underestimated in the past. The characteristic iconography of the victoriatus (head of Jupiter r. / Victory r. crowning trophy) is identical or similar with coin types used by cities and tribes in South Italy, which defected from the side of Rome after the crushing defeat of the Romans inflicted by Hannibal in the battle of Cannae (August 216 BC). Capua (pi. 1.4) and other two cities in Campania, Atclla and Calatia. minted bronze unciae that can be recognized as close typological models for the victoriati21. Analogous bronze coins arc known from Taras, differing only in that the Victory is standing 1. on the reverse"1"*, while there is also a variation where Victory, standing I., is attaching shield to the trophy". For the dating of these Tarentine bronzes it has been rightfully proposed the period of Taras' rebellion (212-209 BO8*. Additionally, one can turn to the kindred bronze issues of the Brettii (Bruttii)" and the Lucani*. which were also struck when these tribes revolted and joined Hannibal in 216 BC. These emissions differ just in the obverse type (bearded head of Mars I.), while the reverse bears the Victory crowning trophy (standing I.). It is under question whether the Brettii (pi. 1.5) could Ix- the first to adopt the Victory type, since it was suggested that they were perhaps the first to approach the Carthaginians after Cannae. In an M Suggested not long ago wtih new force: Meadows 1998, op. CO., 133. 11 Proposed by Crawford, more recently in his last major work: M.H. Crawford, Coinage and Money under lire Roman Republic. London 1985. 55-6. "Thomsen 1961. op. cil.. vol. II, 373. n RRC/f 71 (Mandanici 1952); AUN 9-M (1962-61). 229. Thomsen 1961. Op. CO., vol. II. 373-*. ■ For another ambiguous hint see also A.S. Walker. 'Some hoards from Sicily and a Carthaginian issue of the Second Punic War*, in Studies in Honor 0/Leo Miklenberg (A. \ loughton ei al. eds), UVtteren 198-1. 269-88. esp. 275, 279. n RRC/f 72 (Morgantina 1958); see (supra) notes 8-12. ■', Crawford 1985. op. cil.. 56. H The dose affinity of the victoriati with the Campanian bronzes (head of Zeus r. / Victory r. crowning trophy) was noted early enough - e.g. Sydenham 1932. op. cil.. 94-5. However, this element was interpreted correctly rather later by Thomsen: Thomsen 1957-61. o[>. cil., vol. I, 173. nos. 1-3; vol. II, 128. figs. 9-11. 365-71. •*■' Thomsen 1957, op. at., vol. I, 173. no. 4. n. 499. -'•Thomsen 1957-61. op. CO"., vol. 1. 173. no. 4. n. 500; vol. 11.365. 368. fig. 41 (this coin depicted, not the one in the previous note). " Thomsen 1961. op. cil.. vol. II, 368. " Thomsen 1957-61. op. cil.. vol. I. 173. n. 501; vol. II, 128. fig. 8. 368-70. * Thomsen 1957-61. op. Cil.. vol. I, 173. n. 502; vol. II. 368-9. fig. 42. 227 attempt to trace the forerunner of the Victory theme it has been proposed that the silver teCradrachms of Agathokles (head of Persephone r. / Nike r. fixing helmet to trophy) consist the closest prototype (struck ca. 310-30-i BC). due to the old link of the Brettii with this king of Syracuse. The connection seems valid but more important remains the simple fact thai the cult of Victor)' in Capua was well-known in South Italy". It is more than obvious thai the Victor^'- and irophy-lxjaring type (combined with the head either of Zeus or Mars) functioned as a commonly-shared symlxil for the anti-Roman coalition in that area28. A new proposal is hereby set up arguing thai Rome moved on to use these specific types, for the minting of silver coins no less, not randomly at all but at a very certain point of lime. This had to be just after the capture of Capua and the surrender of the other two Campanian cities (end of summer 211 BO"'. It was primarily the revolt of Capua, after the disaster of Cannae, that was especially cosily for the Romans. From the key role of this city largely depended the outcome of the war in Italy as it was eventually proven by the breathtaking though ineffective march of Hannibal on Rome previously that year30. Controlling the awe-inspiring impact of the enemy presence ad port OS and following the proper strategy, the Eternal City actually managed to prevail on an opponent still undefeated in the battlefields, overcoming a most crucial turning point of the war. Thus, it is rightful to assume that the fall of Capua and the submission of Campania was the pivotal event for the inauguration of the victoriati. This looks more logical if one takes into account that the previous years were ripe with Roman defeats and losses*1 and thai their sparse successes" were followed by misfortunes", the most characteristic example maybe Ix-ing the defeat and killing of the elder Scipiones in Spain (211 BO*1. Quite reasonably the Roman siale must have proceeded to launch the victoriatus coin series after a decisive hit, at the moment when the perspective to finish the war successfully had appeared, and not earlier while the outcome was still very uncertain". Meeting the constant pressure and enduring the inflicted wounds Rome thriumphed over her foes, paying literally with the same coin those who had threatened her authority. The answer to the affront came by appropriating I he emblem of the defeated rebels, accombanied from now on with the inscription ROMA on the newly-minted silver victoriati14. This ■ See Cicero, De dMnartonf, 1.45-98, for a reference to the pre-eminent goddess jt Capua {Capua* I'lclonai. ■ Ttiomsen 1961, eft., vol. II. 369. ■ T. Livius, 26.20.7. »T. Livius, 26.7-11. 26.13.11-13, " Ticinus R. Trobhia R. 1218 BO, L. Trasimene (217 11C). Cannae. Gaul <2l6 l*C). Syracuse (214 l*C). u Hibera Deriosa. Sardinia. Sola (215 1(C). Benevemum (21*1 ItC). SagUMum, Syracuse (212 1(C). " Lucania (21-1 ItC). Akrajjas. Tans (213 1*0. Metapontion (212 I1C). " At the battles of Castulo and [lord (211 ItC). T. Livius. 25.32-36. " The use of tlie Victory type proactivcly by the Romans for propaj-jndlstic reasons is discussed by Thomson for the Sake of argument (Thomson 1961, «Y» Cll„ vol. II. 367); ho accepts however that Rome followed the 'rebellious" Italians in the adoption of the Victory representation (Thomson 1961. t>}>. cil.. vol. 11. 371). * At that time the monetary supplies of the Romans were boosted by the loot taken from Capua. T. Livius reports that the looting of the captured dry procured 2.070 pounds of gold and 31.200 of silver (26.14.8). In a sense of dramatic irony Rome used enemy resources to mint her new coins ami continue the war. 22H INCC 200*1 evidently is a message of propaganda addressed both towards the undermining of the enemy morale, as well as the encouraging or the affiliation of allies, played in a way of waging the war with psychological means too, at a level usually of vital coasequences. This approach can be of greater significance in association with the already proposed hypothesis that the victoriatus was a coin meant mostly for the allies of Rome'7. The geographical distribution of finds with early victoriati is largely located in South Italy and Sicily, while the use of distinctive letters, monograms and symbols has led scholars to asign a number of coin issues to specific mints in South Italy (mainly) and Sicily*. The victoriati actually constituted the link with the preceding stale of numismatic affairs in Italy. The trophy-bearing coins could be accepted as halves of the silver staters of the Italiole Greek cities, which were struck on a reduced standard from the lime of Pyrrhos (280 BC onwards)'9. It was also suggested that since some early victoriati come as heavy as 3-8 g (here might be a relation with Carthaginian half-shekels of ihis weight issued by Hannibal in Bruttium*0. Silver coins weighing ca. 3-8 g were also minted in Taras and Meiapontion after these two cities had joined Carthage (212 BC onwards)". Regarding the South Italian and the Punic connection, the former seems valid but the latter cannot be proven. Moreover, another important factor has to be taken into account: the victoriatus consisted the actual half of the quadrigatus {ca. 6.8 g), the major unit of the Roman didrachm system before the denarius reform (pi. 1.6). The quadrigati had more in common with the victoriati besides being (heir preceding doubles'1, like the fact that they share iconographic elements: Jupiter and Victoria (on the obverse and reverse of the victoriatus respectively) can be effectively reflected from the reverse of the quadrigatus (Jupiter in quadriga driven by Victor)')". More importantly the " P. Marchelli, IHslolre economique el moiietatre tie la tleuMemeguerrepunlt/ue. Uruvsels 1978, 466-8; 8 P. Miller. Hannibal - Father of the Roman Denarius', The Celator, vol. 16, no. 5 (May 2002). 27-8. ■ For ihe classification of ihc issues sec RRC. passim On this discussion Sydenham 1932. op. ca., 86ff.; Maiungly 1957, op. ca., UOff; C M. Kraay, The VKtonaie-. A Note on Abbreviations". AC 1958, 39-tl "The impact of ihe presence of Pyrrhos in ihe West caused a reduction in the standard of ihe nomoior staters of certain Italiote cities from ca. 7.9-8 g to 6 6-6 7 g For ihis topic see N K Ruttcr el al. Htsioria Sumorum lialy. London 2001, 8; 102. 103. no 997IT (Tans). 126. no. 1385IT.. 128. no. 142717. (Heradea). 153-4. no 1885ff. (Thurii). 172. nos 2178-84. (CrotonX ■ Ruiicr 2001. op ell'.. 162. nos. 2016. 2019. On this theory see Marchctti 1978, Op. en., 432-6; however there arc reservations on this matter: Crawford 1985, op cil, 62. n. 26. " Ruttcr 2001, op rff., 106. nos. 1078-83 (Taras. 212-209 11C); 138. nos. 1632-5 (Meiaponiion. 215-207 ttC). These coins were considered "victoriati" (Marchctti 1978. op. cil.. 440-41, 469. 508); it seems more probable though to view ihcm as half-shekels according to Crawford's objection (Crawford 1985. op. at. 66. n. 28). " It is evident that quadngatus was mctrologically at par with the reduced South Italian stater (or nomas) • On the correlation of the two coins: H Zehnacker. Stoneta Recbenhes sur I organisation et Van aes emissions monetaires tie la Republique ramatne '2tt9-3t av.J -C). Rome 1975. 345-6. In 217/6 BC king Kieron of Syracuse made a significant donation to Rome, in the form of an enormous quantity of grain and troops, including in his gifts a gold Victory as well (T. Livius, 22.37). This gold statue was accepted by the Senate as an omen (omtnts causa) and was dedicated in the temple of Jupiter Opiimus Maxtmus on the Capiloline. The ideological connection suggested by Zehnacker between ihe offered statue and (he victoriatus types is rather misplaced after all. II seems more logical to trace such an evoking lie mirrored on the reverse of the quadrigati (in fact. 2)6 I1C may be the staning point for ihe series from RRC 30/1 onwards), while the background implicated by the victoriati is better explained in association to the defection, siege and fall of Capua (supra) 229 last quadrigati were debased; in the same way analyses have shown lhai the silver content of most victoriati is low*'. While the debasement of the quadrigati echoes the emergency character of the Roman didrachm coinage before its extinction, the use of (he victoriati in parallel with the denarius system reveals that "Rome quite deliberately set out to meet a part of its obligations in debased currency~,\ The earliest hoards in Italy containing victoriati come exclusively from Apulia. Campania or northern Lucania*6. Additionally, the circulation pattern includes Sicily. Spain and Gallia Cisalpina**. It appears that the Romans employed the vicloriatus mainly for payments and subsidies to their allies (socii), while initially for the denarius it was followed a more reserved policy focused on citizenry transactions (legionary stipends, tax collection, etc). The fact that the victoriati do not bear a mark of value"1 made them a quite flexible currency (perhaps also used for trade, ransom, etc). This is also hinted by the reduction of their weight after the end of the Second Punic War19 which fell to ca. 2.9 gw, possibly in an attempt to be balanced with Greek coinages in the East". The victoriati series eventually came to an end in 170-165 BC*\ Quite fittingly the only reference by T. Livius to the vicloriatus comes from the year 177 BC in connection to the triumph of Gaius Claudius Pulcher (41.13-7)**. Two more references4' can be traced a little later in Cato's De agriculture* {ca. 160-H9 BC); from the first passage it can be assumed that by that time the victoriatus' worth had dropped to 5 asses (Hbellae), thus becoming equivalent with half a denarius (still " D.R. Walker, The silver contents of the Roman Republican Coinage*, in Metallurgy in Sumismallcs, Vol. 1 (D.M. Metcalf. W.A. Oddy wb>. Lon<k>n 1980.58-61 (ca. 73-93%>; C Mancini. Patrizia Petrillo Scrafin. "Analisi volumetric he di nioncte aniiche eseguiie per irasmisMone neutronica con sirumentazione portatile'. AJIS 25 (1978). 195-207. esp. 200 (.ca. 65%>. U. Zwicker. Metal lographk; an<I Analytical Investigation of Silver- and Aes- Coinage of the Roman RcpuHic'. in XI CIS. vol. D, 80-81. 93 (ca. 50-80%). On the contrary. denarii and their fractions generally present a high degree of purity. ■ Crawford 1985. op. at.. 56. * Crawford 1985, op. cit., 56-7 (.see Map 9). 0 The later circulation of the victoriati is concentrated in central Italy (Apennine region). Gallia Cisalpina and the Rhone valley. ** In contradiction with the denarii (bearing the distinctive X - 10 asses) and their fractions. " With a weight of ca. 3-4 g at first the vicloriatus was established to lx- on a par with three-quarters of a denarius (initially ca. 4.5 g). "II. Zehnackcr. Les "minimi novi" de la "Casina", in .\felangesoffcrtsaJacques Heurgon. /.'Italicprvnimaine ci la Rome republicaine. II. Rome 1976. 1045. By 200 l*C die victoriatus' weigh! fell from ca. 3-4 g to ca. 2.9 g. while thai of die denarius from ca. 4.5 g to ca. 3 9 g. " The new weight of the victoriatus was corresponding with several denominations of the Greek world Corcyiean quarter-staler (ca. 2.2-2.7 g); Corcyra. Aetolian League. Reduced Aeginetan triobol (ca. 2.5 - 2.8 g>, Achaean League, Peloponnesos. Corinthian drachm (ca. 2.9 gV. Corinth. Briefly on the metrology of these coinages see O. Morkholm. tftirly Hellenistic Coinage from tl>e Accession of Alexander to the Peace of Apamea (336-188 BO, Cambridge 1991. 9. » RRC. 628. Zehnacker 1976. of>. cit.. 1043. 10-15: Howgcgo 1995, op. eft. 112. 8 The victorious consul was returning from operations in hub and Liguria (Gallia Cisalpina). The worth of the spoils brought back - Livius* testimony is probably based on annalistic records - was 307,000 denarii and 85.702 victoriati. From Liguria again comes later a well-known inscription (the sententta Minuciorum) settling a boundary dispute between the Genuates and Viturii (117 KC); a sum of 400 victoriati to be given every year by the Viturii is mentioned on this bronze tablet (CIL. V, no. 07749.1. 24). M Cato. De agriculture!, 15.1 and 145.3. 230 INCC 2004 then 10 asses or libeUae)^. From the few shreds of evidence thai can he trailed regarding ihe presence of the victoriatus, especially in the East, a handful of citations survives in the inventories of the sanctuary of Delos after the middle of the 2nd C. BC: the so-called Iropaiopbora (trophy-hearing coins) can be readily identified with the Roman victoriati46. More than half a century after the minting of the victoriati ceased takes place the establishment of a coin designated again victoriatus, the striking of which according to the attestation of Rlinius was initiated under the Lex Clodia (ca. 109 BC or later)". Although the passage poses some questions, it can be deduced that the Ij?x Clodia came to make official the de facto devaluation of the victoriatus, due to the lack of a value mark and the fact that the production had lapsed, and therefore the old coins became more and more worn. The outcome of this process can be viewed either as re-introduction of the victoriatus with the equivalence of the quinarius (half- denarius) or as revival of the quinarius*8 with the types of the victoriatus. Before that the denarius had been retariffed at 16 asses (ca. Hi BC, according to Crawford)" and the impact of this major change™ was logical to affect the other denominations and lead to the de hire assimilation of the victoriatus with the quinarius61. The new denomination was a quinarius in regard to weight (ca. 2 g), but the iconography and sometimes the recorded low content of silver (in issues of the 90s BC)61 continued the tradition of the victoriatus. During the early 1st c. BC the equating of the Roman denarius to ihe Attic drachm brought consequently the equating of the quinarius (victoriatus) with the hemidrachm. At that period, when the denarius had still a minimal penetration in the East, l>clongs a unique mention of using the victoriatus for commercial purposes outside Italy. This is about a Roman who is going to travel to Greece and takes with him 10,000 victoriati, as attested in a fabula Ateliana of L. Pomponius Bononiensis6*. From the 1st c. BC onwards the identification of the H Sec Crawford's comment on this in RRC. 629. Initially one victoriatus equaled 7.5 asses. * lli 1443. A I.1. 141 (145-1*2 BC); ID 1449. Aab II, I. 12 (140 BC); ID 1450. A, I. 97 (140/39 BQ; ID 1445. A. I. 7 (135 BC). Denarii appear in inscriptions of Delos a bit earlier from ca. 155 BC onwards (ID 1421- 1422). For a commeni on ihe iropaiophora of the Delian inventories: A. Giovannini. Rome el In circulation monetaireen Grixcau He siecte avanl jesus-Chrisl, Basel 1978, 26. " "ft, qui nunc lictohalus appella/ur, lege Clodia percussus esf tWstoria Naturalts. 33-13.46); this is from the same passage cited in note 3 (supra). For the date of the Lex Clotlia: B. Hclly, 'Deux attestations du •Victoria!" dans les lisies d'affranehissemcnt de Thessalie*. in DC CIN, 172. 175. " The silver quinarius had heen introduced as half of the denarius (ca. 2.27 g; 5 asses) and then hist lapsed for most of the 2nd c. BC (besides the isolated issue RRC 156/2; 179-170 BC). w Crawford 1985. op. ci/.. 145-7. Accepting the devaluation of the as from the l/10th to the l/l6th of the denarius was obviously something already realized as common practice. The change was accompanied by the transitory issuing of denarii with the value mark XVI around 140 BC (see RRCUnm 224/1 to 228/1). "The reform is summarily mentioned by Plinius (Htsiona Saturate. 33.13 45). 11 RRC 326/2 . RRC 331/1; RRC 332/1; RRC 333/1. u Analyses have shown a silver content as low as 72%; Zwicker 1993. op. at., 81. * 'Quae luleram mecum mtlia decern vtctonata. in Gmcca mercede ilico curaii ul occuparem'-, extract in SRPF. II. 292. Ptaorcs, V. fr. 115-6. This reminds the testimony of Volusius Maccianus. Deassisdistribuno. 45 (cf. note 4 supra): 'Victoriatus enim nunc tandwulem valet quantum qmnanus- oHm ut peregrtnus nummus loco mercis. ut nunc tetraebmum ct drachma, htdtebatur'. It becomes clear that treating the victoriatus as a commodity (or exchange money, like tctwdrcachm and drachm) was rather a common practice. 231 victoriatus with the quinarius is generally implied in numerous literary texts6'. This is also confirmed by epigraphies! sources of the imperial limes where the term ircpaibon survives - two inscriptions from Thessaly6* and one from Asia Minor'*. Combined with the testimony of mctrological texts dated to the end of the 1st c. AD at the latest''", it becomes apparent that the role of the later victoriatus (quinarius or tropaikon) is fixed as half of the denarius6". In any case though, the fact remains that the victoriatus-quinarius of the Late Republic is virtually unknown in numismatic finds from the Balkans, continuing in a sense the marginal presence of the early victoriatus in the area across the Adriatic Sea. Taking all the available data into account (see the concise table in pi. II). one cannot overlook that the paucity of the finds containing vicloriati is striking in the regions E. of the Adriatic6"'. Moreover, no vicloriati are known lo come from lllyriun territory. Thus, in order to attempt a cogeni interpretation at the passage of Plinius ("'.. .ex Ilfyrtco attvectus") it was suggested that the Roman victoriatus took its standard from the Apollonian and Dyrrachian drachms of the same weight'". While the problem of the inauguration of ihe drachm series of Apollonia and Dyrrachion remains slill open"1, in my opinion the victoriatus does not have any direct link with " Cicero, Pro FOMeto, 9.19 (69 IJC>; Varro. De lingua latina, 10.41 (ca. -17-27 1(C). Additionally, then: are many references in the medical work of Scrihonius Largus (ComixisllUmes. e.g. 14; nikl-lst c. Al», as well as in the writings of Plinius Wlsiorta Saiuralis. e.g. 20.264; 77 AD). For lata texts: Quintillianus. Insttiutto Oratorio, 6.5 80 (95 ADV. and Volusius Maccianus, DeOSSlSdiStrtbutiO, 47 tea. 161-180 AI»; the last pj.\sagc is quite eloquent: "Ntinc denarius xii. vktorialus ct quinarius em. sestertius guaituor asm valei". * Arcbatokgtke fpbemeris, 1917. 20. L 29-50 (Chyretiae, early in the reign of Augustus> IG IX 2. 549, I. 16 (Larisj. era of Augustus); Luckily enough there can be noted a slight differentiation of the term iropalkon (vktorialus-quinarius) from the .similar appellation IfOpaiOpboron (old victoriatus) occuring in the Delian inscriptions - sec supra, n. 56. "' IGKK. IV. 1342 (Magnesia ad Sipytum, ca. 150 AD). There it is mentioned a tropatktatos tokos, a monthly interest of one victoriatus (trufxiiktm) per 100 denarii, i.e. a rate of interest 0.5% per month or 6% per year. For more on this subject P.M. Nigdelis. G.A. Snuris. Antb)patos fegef. Una dlatagma ton autokralorikon cbronongla togymttasto res Ifcrolns. Thcssaloniki 2005. 80 (in Greek; English summary). In tilt- inscription of ilcroia. which is dated at the end of the 1st c. Al) or the first half of the 2nd c. AD. the form trtfxiikaia (plural; A, I. 40) appears in use. regarding a sum of 6.000 denarii gained at an annual rate of interest of 6% " Hetty 1982. op. eu., 171. " 'tXalnUal... todmarion... as mere, rebel gar tropatin 2...'. (attested by anonymous AJexandrinus, in MSfe. 1.502.95.8). 'Denarius... dlvkUiur in panes... babei enim tro/iaica tluu quinariosve duos... \ (attested by Calvus. in .US/?. II. 144. 141.9). " I would like to express my thanks for their help to Mrs. Maja Bonadc Mandinic (Archaeological Museum. Split), who generously assisted in the assembling of data for the circulation of victoriati in the area of Dal math, and to Dr. Virgil Mihailescu-ttirliha (Institute of Archaeology. Academy of Romania), who kindly informed me on the small lot of viclorbli kept in llnikenthal Museum. Sibiu. * For the whole discussion see Thomsen 1961. of'. Cil., vol. II, 320ff. " The rather recent proposal for a starting date CO. 270 HC • sec Shpresa Cjongccaj. 'Lc tresor de Krcshpan (Albank)'. ftV 153 (1998), 81-102. esp. 101 - adopts a high chronology that ScOTIS to be unjustified. See also Gtovannini 197K. op. at., 34, 103-5. 107-13 and esp. 26-7. opting a date ca. 240 HC at the earliest and ca. 215 I1C at the latest. The chronology of the closing period of the Apollonian/Dyrrjchian series is resolved with the meticulous classification applied through mctrological studies by G. Pctranyi G. Pctranyi. •Comments on the chronology of the final minting period of the Apollonian-Dyrrachian drachms'. SStVR 86-87 (1992-1993). 67-75; idem. Relative chronology of the drachms of Apollonia and Dyrrhachium in the final period of minting*. .Xumismatthn Kozltiny 9-1-95 (1995-1996). 3-18. 232 INCC 2004 Illyria, but instead ihis was a coin whose birth and function, as already shown, was intimately related to the events of the Second Punic War. Dating the appearance of the victoriali in the beginning of the autumn of 211 BC makes even more improbable the assumption that victoriatus was created in association to the new theatre of war in Illyria7-'. The operations in this front had started already in 215 BC but. although the hostilities developed into the First Macedonian War. this was a low priority region for the Romans. In any event, if some ammounts of victoriali circulated in that area, no traces of their presence were left and the whole matter of the Illyrian connection largely lies unresolved without a satisfactory explanation. However, the presence of Roman forces in the broader area had eventually an impact. It was perhaps the decision of the Senate to withdraw the Roman troops from this front in 210 BC, except from the naval allies (praetersocios navalis)**, (hat played a role in this. Livius reports in 209 BC the continued presence of a Roman legion alongside with a fleet in the area71, while in the following year only the presence of the fleet is attested75. Even if the omission of the legion does not necessarily mean that the Senate's directive was promptly executed, it is convincing that the activities of the socii novates of the Adriatic task force had an influence in the monetary transactions of that area in the long run. The appearance of a silver series minted by Corcyra, largely adopting the weight of the victoriatus, was such a change (pi. Ul.l). The coins of this issue (head of Aphrodite r. / flying Pegasos r.) have weights that seem low (ca. 2.5-3 g), a fact alongside with the testimony of a Corcyrean inscription (/G IX 1, 6<M)76 suggesting that the adjustment to the victoriate standard happened after the beginning of the 2nd c. BC. A very rare issue struck on the island of Corcyra by the Romans (pi. III.2-3) constitutes the forerunner of the Corcyrean "victoriates". This is a series of Roman victoriali which is accompanied by a small issue of quinarii too (pi. I1I.4-5). Both the victoriali (RRC 101/1) and the quinarii (RRC 101/2) bear a characteristic monogram which is well-known from the coins of Corcyra, while a second monogram (A) probably meant to signify the magistrate responsible for the emission77. The coins in question were dated by Crawford in 211-210 BC, associated with Marcus Valerius Laevinus, consul at that time in the area. The identification of the mint with Corcyra had been already accepted almost unanimously78, since this is one of the few issues n Thomson 1961. op. at., vol. II. 377. *>T. Livius. 26.28.7-9. "T. Livius. 27.7.15. M T. Livius, 27.22.10 * In ihLs (now losO inscription from Corcyra extensive reference is made io ihc use of the Corinthian weight stan<lard (argyrion Korintbion). The (kiting of the inscription, although difficult, leads to the end of the 3rd c. or the beginning of the 2nd c. BC. based mainly on epigraphical reasons. For recent commentary of the text sec: Th.G. Pappas. "[dry-si ton Dionysion slen Kerkyra; IG IX 1, 694', Tekmerion 1 (1998). 91-117 tin Greek). The use of argyrion Korintbiott appears also in another inscription of Corcyra. well dated in 208 l(C UMM 44). See KJ. Rigsby. Asylia. Territorial Imiolabtltty in the Hellenistic World. Berkeley 1996. 182. 226-9. ~ I wish to thank Mr Nikos Sougles who designed the font Corcyra for the display of the monograms. " With a minor reservation only: Kraay 1958. op. at., 39. n. 2. 235 of victoriali attributed on rather safe grounds, together with a second one (RRC 92/la and 92/lb) bearing the letters CROT. obviously struck at Croton (pi. 111.6). On the Other hand, the chronology' proposed by Crawford together with previous attempts*"' to dale this series is problematic. The main reason is that the weight of the Corcyrcan victoriali is considerably low. so that the issue cannot be placed so early in the classification (see the frequency table in pi. IV). Although the available sample (only seven specimens)*" is not sufficient for a proper metrological study*1, it is quite clear that all the coins weigh Ik'Iow 3 g": and thus their minting must have occurred after 202-200 BC*. This leads to the possibility that the striking of the series was actually made under the authority of Publius Sulpicius Gallia*', who had succeeded M. Valerius Laevinus in 210 BC on (he lllyrian front and was elected again consul in 200 BC. Sulpicius Galba had already seen some action both in (he Second Punic and the First Macedonian Wars*11 and he rose to his second consulship"6 in order to wage war with Philip V (the Second Macedonian War that broke up that year)". By late October 200 BC* the consular force landed in Epirus; (hen Sulpicius arranged (he wintering of his troops by settling the army to Apollonia and the fleet to Corcyra. It was from Corcyra (ha( C. Claudius Cendio with 20 warships and 1.000 soldiers was dispa(ched (o Athens where he reached in early November*1. In bte November Cent ho made a bold move on Chalkis, inflicting considerable injury to (he stronghold and extensive insult to the pride (he Macedonian king1*. Naval hostilities were renewed in the following year when L. Apustius - another legatus of Sulpicius Galba - left Corcyra with 30 more ships and headed to the Aegean Qutw 199 BC)1". What followed was another quite successful enterprise where the Romans and their allies operated as far as the Macedonian territory (Cassandrea. Akanthos). By mid-September the *• Sec eg ihc iwo suggestions by M l>. Mamngly 171-168 BC (Mamngly 1957. op at.. 110-11>; 189 BC (Mamngly 1968. op at.. 223. 228) m Four coins appeal in Thomscn 1961. op cu. vol II, 384. n. 423 (2 90. 2 80. 272. 2.70 g>. the last one is (he only coin lo come from a hoard (Citta SaiU Angelo; Idem. op. &L, vol. II, 334; RRCH 129); two more specimens are known from the British Museum (2.79. 2.43 g) and one from the American Numismatic Society (297 g). " The Coreytean quinarii are also very rare: three known in ihc British Museum (1.94. 2.06. 2.08 g) and one in the Alboolean Museum. Oxford (1.99 g). " Croton's victoriati seem to he heavier, with several specimens over 3 g (13 known coins from 3.05 lo 3.52 g). Sec Thomscn 1961. op at. vol II, 383-4, n. 417; Maningly 1968. op at. 218. n. 3- ■ Sec tupra. n 50. ** l*r A'frwAmr>.V< 1975). col. 424. no. 15. " Most nouhly a skirmish with Haruutial after the famous march on Rome (211 BC) and the capture of Acgma during his first campaign in Greece (210 BC). *T. Livius. 314 4.315.1-3 and 31.6.1; Polyhtos. 16.24.1. ' For the days and works, as well as the attitude of P. Sulpicius Galba nee: E.S. Grucn. The HeilenulK World tmd ibv Coming of Rome. Vol. I, Berkeley ■ Lot Angeles - London 1984. 203-6. 214-5. 219, 223. " T. Livius, 3118.9; 31.22.4 (autumnofermve.\acti>V On the operations and the events of the years 200-199 BC see this thorough study: Valerie M. Warrior. The initiation of the Second Macethnian War. Stuttgan 1996. 82. 88. 95-6. 105-7. •T Livius. 31 14 3. 31 22 5 "T. Livius. 31 23.1-12. "T Uvtus, 3144-1 234 ISCC 2004 campaign had to end and Apustius withdrew from F.uboea, sailed through Piraeus and returned to Corcyra (November 199 BC)W. It looks reasonable thai these events could largely explain the circumstances under which the extraordinary series of victoriati and quinarii was produced on the island of Corcyra by the year 199 BC Actually, the issued coins should have been used for the payment of the crews that manned the ships, where the participation of allies (socti navales) was a standard practice for quite a long time. The core of Sulpicius' fleet had Ixren formed just l>cfore his coming to Greece by selecting vessels from the fleet of Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus at BrundisiunVV The importance of Corcyra as naval base of operations is also evident when the next consul, P. Villius Tappulus. came too late in 199 BC and wintered there'", but before he could do something of importance in Epirus. arrived his successor. Titus Quinctius Flamininus - again at Corcyra/* (spring 198 BC). The island retained its key role when the latter look the offensive*' as well as later on. Furthermore, from as early as 228 BC Corcyra had entered into the Roman fules^ and by 215 BC - probably after 219 BC - had the status of an ally of Rome*. In every sense it was not only a strategic post hut also a very suitable place for coining money for the allied troops. Returning to ihe person responsible for the production of the issue, one could notice that the monogram employed (A) reads "GA" or "GAL", thus making tempting to surmise that it was intended to refer to the cognomen*" of P. Sulpicius: Galbct. This does not need lo Ik* ihe case, since the moneyer could be someone else after all. Even so. Sulpicius Galba might have had more reasons than dealing with practical matters for releasing this emission. Ai that lime he was one of ihe surviving commanders of the Second Punic War100. Two years after the defeat of Carthage Ik* was bringing - in the fashion of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus - the war into the territory of an enemy who had allied with Hannibal and opened another Iront for Rome just when the Romans were in dire straits. The consul had a tasle of inconclusive lighting with the Macedonian ruler during 210-206 BC but now was a time for a reckoning. Moreover, "T. IMua, 3I453-3I-47.2. ** Sec T. Livius. 31 13 2. This initially had been the fleet of Gnaeus Octavius patrolling of) Sicily, which was handed to Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, consul in the previous year (201 BO "T. Livius. 32.6.1. M T. Livius, 32.61. 32.9.6-8. "SceT. Livius. 32.14.7. 32.16 2. 32.23.13 (19H BO. 32.384. 33.l6l (197 BC). ** Polybios. 2.11.5-6. See Gruen 1984. op. at.. 17. 54-7. 367-8. -t38-9. for the amicitiae thai Rome established in Ihe region from Dalmatia to Corcyra after 228 BC For the historical context which nurtured the Roman protectorate in that area see: N.C.L. Hammond, Ulyns. Rome and Macedon in 229-205', JRS 58 (1968), 1- 21. * Appianus. F.k tes Makedonikes. 1. " For such contemporary attributions see: RRC 126/1 (-VAR* A. Tercniius Varro, 206-200 BQj RRC 132/1-7 (•ME-: a Caecilius Metellus. 194-190 DC) and RRC 133/1-9 (•TAMP* Cn. Bacbius Tamphilus or his cousin. 194-190 BC) *" Several Roman generals perished in (he line of duty: Gaius Flaminius (L Trasimene. 217 BO. L Aerrulius Paullus (Oruuc. 216 BO. P. Corneliu* S».ip*i and Cn Corneliu* Sopio (Spam. 211 BC. see n 34 supra) Even M Claudius Marccllus. 'the sword of the Romans', conqueror of Syracuse and Sicily fell before Hannibal (ambushed near Vcnusu. 208 BO. while Qumtus Falnus Maximus Verrucosus, called Cunctator (the Delayer) and "the shield of Rome", died of old age before the end of the war (203 BC). 235 P. Sulpicius Galha Maximus was a bearer of the legacy of ihe capture of Capua, the victory thai arguably turned the tide of the war. for in the year of his first election to consulship lie had defended Rome tenaciously against Hannibal himself*", thus helping to assure that the cause of the Capuans and of the other Campanians was inevitably lost10*'. In a sense. Sulpicius could rightfully claim his merit in the long year 211 BC. when the Romans reversed the fates, crushed Ihe spine of the relxrllion in their heartland, appropriated the Victory of their opponents and even heralded this event to everyone with the victoriati series. More than eleven years later. Publius Sulpicius was hoping to play the last act of a war already won in the West, eliminating a possible menace before becoming bigger1"'. The Corcyrean victoriati Ixire to the allies of Rome the same message as before: that they were on the winning side. 1 Polytwo*. 966-7.97.1. 97.4-9 ; There is an account of T Livius (26 13 15) where Vibius Virrius. main instigator of ihe rebellion of Capua, gives a last speech before ihe fall slating: Xon tideboAp. Oauilium rl Q Fulnum mlona Insolenil mMn . ("1 shall not see Ap. Claudius and Q. Fulvius concerted wuh ihen insolent victory..."). The suicide of Vibius Virrius and of other eminent Capuans was followed by the severe punishment of the city who until then was second only to Rome in Italy. However, the Roman protagonists in the drama of Capua did not fare much better Appms Claudius Pulcber. one of the two consuls outside the blockaded city, died soon from a wound inflicted during the siege (211 BC). Gnaeus Fulvius Centunulus • consul together with Sulpkius Galha, taking part, in the defence of Rome - was killed in an ambush set by Hannibal near Herdonea (210 BC). C?uintus Fulvius Flaccus - married to a memlier of the Sulpician clan, second of the besiegers of Capua, one of ihe defenders of Rome in 211 BC and merc iless scourge of (he Capuans after their surrender - survived for a while but he did not see the final victory over the Carthaginians (died in 205 BC) " Although Sulpicius tried, he did not succeed to bring Macedonia to her knees It was Thus Quinctius Flamininus. who eventually managed to tnllict defeat to the former ally of Hannibal. Philip V. at the battle of Kyno* Kcphabe (197 BO 236 1NCC 2004 Abbreviations Epigraphy CIL ID IG 1GRR IMM Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum Inscriptions de Delos Inscriptt'ories Graecae hiscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander (O. Kern cd.), Berlin 1900. Literary sources MSR SRi>F Metrologicorum scriptontm reliquia (F. Hultsch ed). vol. MI, Leipsig 1864-66. Scaenicae romanorum poesis/ragmen/a (O. Ribbcck cd.). vol. MI, Leipsig M897-98 (1855). Numismatic monographs, periodicals and congresses AIIN BSNR Buttrey et al. 1989 Ephem Napoc IXCIN JRS Mirnik 1981 NC NumAnlClas RN RRC RRCH VHAD XICIN Annali del/'Istituto Italiano di Numismatica Buletinul Societaiii Numismatice Romane T.V. Buttrey et al., Morganlina Studies II: The Coins, Princeton 1989. Ephemeris Napocensis Actes du 9eme Congres International de Numismatique (Berne, septembre 1979), Louvain-la-Neuve - Luxembourg 1982. Journal of Roman Studies I.A. Mirnik, Coin Hoards in Yugoslavia, BAR 95, London 1981. The Numismatic Chronicle Quaderni Ticinesi di Numismatica e Antichita Classiche Revue Numismatique M.H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage, vol. MI, Cambridge 1974. M.H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coin Hoards, London 1969. Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Historiju Dalmatinsku Actes du Xle Congres International de Numismatique (Bruxelles, 8-13 septembre 1991), Louvain-la-Neuve 1993. 237 Key to plates Plate I 1. Silver victoriatus of the Roman Republic, ca. 211-205 BC. Numismatic Museum. Athens. 8178. 2. Silver drachm of Dyrrachion. 2^ c. BC. Numismatic Museum. Athens. AE 375. 3. Silver denarius of the Roman Republic, ca. 206-195 BC. Numismatic Museum, Athens. 8166. 4. Bronze uncia of Capua. 216-211 BC. Numismatic Museum, Athens, 122a. 5. Bronze blunx of Breltii, 216-205 BC. Numismatic Museum, Athens, 441. 6. Silver quadrigatus of the Roman Republic, 225-214 BC. Numismatic Museum, Athens, 167c. Platen Table I. Finds of Roman Republican victoriati E. of the Adriatic. Plate III 1. Silver "victoriaie" of Corcyra, early 2*1 c. BC. Numismatic Museum. Athens, 1989. 2. Silver victoriatus of the Roman Republic. Corcyra. ca. 199 BC (RRC 101/1). 3. Silver victoriatus of the Roman Republic. Corcyra, ca. 199 BC. British Museum. London. CRR 227. (2X) 4. Silver quinarius of the Roman Republic, Corcyra, ca. 199 BC (RRC 101/2). 5. Silver quinarius of the Roman Republic, Corcyra, ca. 199 BC. Ashmolean Museum. Oxford, 041026. (2X) 6. Silver victoriatus of the Roman Republic. Croton, ca. 203-194 BC. Numismatica Ars Classica. Auction /'(May 12th, 2005). lot 1649. Plate IV Table 2. Frequency table for the known victoriati of Corcyra (RRC 101/1). Photos 1.1-6, 111 1 published by courtesy of the Numismatic Museum, Athens. Photo 111.3 published by courtesy of the Department of Coins and Medals, British Museum, London. Photo 111.5 published by courtesy of the Heberden Coin Room, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 2.« INCC 2004 Plalc 1 09 Plate H + 71 u I | | < 3 * 3 3 I I 5 9 u g P. 8 0 a: g B i - z 2 55 3 cn I i 8 8 I o 2-10 INCC >00-i Plate III 241 Plate IV S •V pTi fN — O suampads 242 INCC 200-i