- Human Rights, Israel/Palestine, Mexico, Social Sciences, International Relations, Security, and 24 morePeace, Conflict, Freedom, Multiculturalism, Ethnicity, Minority Rights, International Law, International organizations, Diplomacy, Nationalism, Communication, Media Studies, Journalism, Media, Civil Society, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Media Research, Media Impact and Effects and Usages, Alternate Media, Natural Resources, Israel Studies, Torture, Fund Raising Strategy for Non Profits, and NGOs funding and managementedit
- James Ron, PhD, is a private research consultant. He worked in academia as a sociologist and political scientist for ... moreJames Ron, PhD, is a private research consultant. He worked in academia as a sociologist and political scientist for 21 years, teaching in the US and Canada. He held a Canada Research Chair at McGill and an endowed research chair at a major research university in the US.
James Ron was born in the US, raised in Israel, and studied at Stanford University and the University of California, Berkeley. He combined academic research with volunteer consulting for a variety of international NGOs, including Human Rights Watch, the International Committee of the Red Cross, CARE, and Life for a Child, a pediatric diabetes charity.
James Ron has published extensively in professional academic journals and in the mainstream press, including in the New York Times, Washington Post, Baltimore Sun, Globe and Mail, Toronto Star, and many others. He was the founding editor of Open Global Rights, a website devoted to human rights evaluation, measurement, and strategy.
James Ron now focuses on research for private clients, including population-based surveys in low and middle income countries.
For more details, please see James Ron's website, www.jamesron.com, as well as his blogs at www.jamesron.net and www.jamesron.org.edit
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Compares methods of state violence by Serbia and Israel, and argues that geography and legal context shaped the action.
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Type 1 diabetes (T1D) is one of the most common chronic childhood diseases, with an increasing incidence of approximately 3% annually worldwide. [1-3] Although the reported incidence rates of many low-and middle-income countries are low... more
Type 1 diabetes (T1D) is one of the most common chronic childhood diseases, with an increasing incidence of approximately 3% annually worldwide. [1-3] Although the reported incidence rates of many low-and middle-income countries are low (perhaps falsely due to inaccurate diagnosis and reporting), their T1D burden is large given their population size. [4] India's T1D incidence is only 3.0/100,000 children/year, but its absolute number of incident cases is 10,900/year (second only to the United States). [4,5] Optimal T1D management is resource-intensive, creating significant barriers to developing-world care. The lack of affordable insulin and other essential medical supplies are the most significant problems, coupled with the dearth of accessible and knowledgeable medical personnel. [6-11] Other serious problems include the lack of refrigeration for insulin storage, social stigma, gender bias and patient education. [6-10,12] Diabetes Research Education and Management (DREAM) Trust (DT) is a non-governmental organisation and registered Background/Objective: Diabetes Research Education and Management (DREAM) Trust (DT) is a charitable organisation that offers free insulin and healthcare to children and youth with type 1 diabetes (T1D) in central India. We systematically describe DT's model of care and evaluate medical and sociodemographic factors influencing glycaemic control in this resource-poor setting. Methods: Study of DT patients diagnosed with T1D <16 years old and followed at DT ≥1 year. Participants completed an interview, retrospective chart review and prospective haemoglobin A1c (HbA1c) measurements. Uni-and multi-variate linear regressions determined factors associated with HbA1c. Percentage of underweight patients (as proxy for glycaemic control) was compared at presentation to DT versus time of interview. Results: A total of 102 DT patients (51% female) completed the interview and chart review. 74 had HbA1c measured. Median HbA1c was 10.4% (90.2 mmol/mol). In multivariate regression, higher HbA1c was independently associated with higher insulin dose/kg (P < 0.001) and holding a below the poverty line certificate (P = 0.004). There was no association between HbA1c and age, sex, caste, religion or experience of stigma. However, the psychosocial burden of T1D (expressed as concern about others learning about the diagnosis, and worry about the future), and experience of stigma were substantial. Percentage of patients with underweight body mass index was significantly lower at the time of study vs. presentation to DT (P = 0.005). Conclusions: The DT charitable programme overcomes social status, gender inequalities and experience of social stigma to provide life-saving treatment to children with T1D in central India. Glycaemic control remains inadequate however, with children living in extreme poverty most at risk.
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Parental care influences outcomes for children's type 1 diabetes (T1D). There is little evidence about the impact of parental caregiving in developing countries, where fixed dose human insulin (conventional) therapy and limited... more
Parental care influences outcomes for children's type 1 diabetes (T1D). There is little evidence about the impact of parental caregiving in developing countries, where fixed dose human insulin (conventional) therapy and limited self-monitoring of blood glucose are common. This article investigates whether performance of key T1D management tasks by children or their caregivers impacts hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c). Methods: We surveyed the caregivers of 179 children with T1D routinely treated in a specialized diabetes clinic in Maharashtra, India to determine who performs key diabetes care tasks: child or parent. We used linear regression to estimate the relationship between parental caregiving and HbA1c, and how this association varies by child age and time since diagnosis. Results: Caregivers of older children were less involved in care tasks, though caregivers of 11to 18-year olds performed more care for children diagnosed for a longer duration. Parental involvement in key insulin delivery tasks was associated with lower HbA1c levels for all children. These reductions were greatest among children 11 to 14 years old and diagnosed for less than 2 years: mean HbA1c levels were 8.5% (69 mmol/mol) if the caregiver, and 14.4% (134 mmol/mol) if the child, performed the tasks (P < .05). Conclusion: Parents of children diagnosed with T1D early in life remain involved in care throughout the child's adolescence. Parents of children diagnosed in late childhood and early adolescence are significantly less involved in care, and this is associated with worse glycemic control. Clinics must know who performs care tasks and tailor diabetes education appropriately.
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Abstract Background Self-monitoring of blood glucose (SMBG) is an essential component of type 1 diabetes (T1D) management and typically involves several daily tests. However, due to high cost, SMBG supplies are often unavailable in... more
Abstract
Background Self-monitoring of blood glucose (SMBG) is an essential component of type 1 diabetes (T1D) management and
typically involves several daily tests. However, due to high cost, SMBG supplies are often unavailable in low-resource settings.
This study assessed whether the use of two SMBG tests per day improves glycemic control, measured by a change in HbA1c, in
youth with T1D followed at the DREAM Trust (DT) in Nagpur, India.
Methods Single-site prospective cohort study of youth ≤ 23 years of age with T1D ≥ 1 year followed by DT, who were provided
with SMBG meters and two test strips per day. Patients received education regarding SMBGand how to respond to blood glucose
values and trends. They were followed every 3 months with HbA1c and questionnaires for a total of 21 months.
Results HbA1c declined significantly from 10.2 ± 2.5% (88 ± 4 mmol/mol) at baseline to 9.5 ± 2.4% (80 ± 3 mmol/mol) at
21 months (p < 0.001). In univariable analysis, change in HbA1c was associated with adherence to insulin dosing, number of
patient education sessions, household income, and holding a below the poverty line certificate. In multivariable analysis, only
adherence to insulin dosing was a significant predictor for a decrease in HbA1c. There was no increase in diabetes-related acute
complications.
Conclusions The use of two SMBG test strips per day for the management of T1D in a low-resource setting was safe, and over the
21 months following its introduction, there was a clinically and statistically significant decrease in HbA1c.
Background Self-monitoring of blood glucose (SMBG) is an essential component of type 1 diabetes (T1D) management and
typically involves several daily tests. However, due to high cost, SMBG supplies are often unavailable in low-resource settings.
This study assessed whether the use of two SMBG tests per day improves glycemic control, measured by a change in HbA1c, in
youth with T1D followed at the DREAM Trust (DT) in Nagpur, India.
Methods Single-site prospective cohort study of youth ≤ 23 years of age with T1D ≥ 1 year followed by DT, who were provided
with SMBG meters and two test strips per day. Patients received education regarding SMBGand how to respond to blood glucose
values and trends. They were followed every 3 months with HbA1c and questionnaires for a total of 21 months.
Results HbA1c declined significantly from 10.2 ± 2.5% (88 ± 4 mmol/mol) at baseline to 9.5 ± 2.4% (80 ± 3 mmol/mol) at
21 months (p < 0.001). In univariable analysis, change in HbA1c was associated with adherence to insulin dosing, number of
patient education sessions, household income, and holding a below the poverty line certificate. In multivariable analysis, only
adherence to insulin dosing was a significant predictor for a decrease in HbA1c. There was no increase in diabetes-related acute
complications.
Conclusions The use of two SMBG test strips per day for the management of T1D in a low-resource setting was safe, and over the
21 months following its introduction, there was a clinically and statistically significant decrease in HbA1c.
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DAVID CROW and JAMES RON look at how global publics view the relationship between human rights organizations and the U.S. government. They argue that ordinary people across various world regions do not perceive human rights groups as... more
DAVID CROW and JAMES RON look at how global publics view the relationship between human rights organizations and the U.S. government. They argue that ordinary people across various world regions do not perceive human rights groups as “handmaidens” of U.S. foreign policy.
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Local human rights organizations (LHROs) in the global South are increasingly keen to raise funds from cocitizens and local businesses to diversify their funding, to increase their political legitimacy, and to bolster their resilience to... more
Local human rights organizations (LHROs) in the global South are increasingly keen to raise funds from cocitizens and local businesses to diversify their funding, to increase their political legitimacy, and to bolster their resilience to fluctuations in international donor trends. This concern with local funds has assumed new urgency today following the global governmental crackdown on foreign aid to domestic civil society. This article focuses on the potential for local human rights fundraising in Mumbai, one of India’s most important economic centers, as well as a hub of social movements and human rights organizing. Like other governments, India has launched a crackdown on foreign aid to local NGOs. Interviews with a representative sample of Mumbai’s LHRO leaders indicate that they depend on foreign aid, worry about government regulation, and are keen to raise funds from the city’s booming corporate sector. Our representative survey of 1,680 adults living in Mumbai and its rural environs, however, shows that LHRO fundraising among Mumbai businesses could pose an acute reputational challenge. While Indian human rights groups do enjoy some public support in Mumbai, the public’s trust in these groups is statistically associated with greater mistrust in local businesses. LHRO leaders in Mumbai face a critical dilemma: The city’s booming corporate sector presents a tempting fundraising target but any attempt to access these funds risks undermining the local rights sector’s reserves of public support.
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Human rights groups in global South countries rely heavily, but not exclusively, on funds from abroad, and this pattern has created a number of vulnerabilities. Conventional explanations for this pattern include political repression,... more
Human rights groups in global South countries rely heavily, but not exclusively, on funds from abroad, and this pattern has created a number of vulnerabilities. Conventional explanations for this pattern include political repression, poverty, and cultural particularity. We argue that these do not tell the whole story, however, and offer evidence that local rights groups receive more public support than many assume. Other, less common, explanations for rights groups’ reliance on external funds include habit and routine, fear of political manipulation by co-citizens, and, potentially, a failure to provide services that local people deem sufficiently valuable. To broaden their funding base to within-country sources, local rights groups in the global South will have to hire new staff, experiment with new methods, and better define their value added.
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Many resource-strapped developing country governments seek international aid, but when that assistance is channeled through domestic civil society, it can threaten their political control. As a result, in the last two decades, 39 of the... more
Many resource-strapped developing country governments seek international aid, but when that assistance is channeled through domestic civil society, it can threaten their political control. As a result, in the last two decades, 39 of the world’s 153 low- and middle-income countries have adopted laws restricting the inflow of foreign aid to domestically operating nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Governments recognize that such laws harm their international reputations for supporting democracy and may invite donor punishment in terms of aid reductions. Yet, they perceive foreign aid to NGOs as supporting political opponents and threatening their grip on power. In the aftermath of competitive electoral victories, governments often take new legal steps to limit these groups’ funding. We test this argument on an original dataset of laws detailing the regulation of foreign aid inflows to domestically operating NGOs in 153 low- and middle-income countries for the period 1993–2012. Using an event history approach, we find that foreign aid flows are associated with an increased risk of restrictive law adoption; a log unit increase in foreign aid raises the probability of adoption by 6.7%. This risk is exacerbated after the holding of competitive elections: the interaction of foreign aid and competitive elections increases the probability of adoption by 11%.
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Local human rights organizations (LHROs) are key domestic and transnational actors, modifying, diffusing, and promoting liberal norms; mobilizing citizens; networking with the media and activists; and pressuring governments to implement... more
Local human rights organizations (LHROs) are key domestic and transnational actors, modifying, diffusing, and promoting liberal norms; mobilizing citizens; networking with the media and activists; and pressuring governments to implement international commitments. These groups, however, are reliant on international funds. This makes sense in politically repressive environments, where potential donors fear government retaliation, but is puzzling elsewhere. We interviewed 263 LHRO leaders and key informants from 60 countries, and conducted statistically representative surveys of 6180 respondents in India, Mexico, Morocco, and Nigeria. Based on these data, we believe LHRO funding in non-repressive environments is shaped by philanthropic logics of appropriateness. In the late 1990s, transnational activists successfully mainstreamed human rights throughout the international donor assistance community, freeing up development money for LHROs. Domestic activists in the global South have not promoted similar philanthropic transformations at home, where charitable giving still focuses on traditional institutions. Instead, domestic rights activists have followed the path of least resistance toward international aid, a logic of outcomes produced by variations in global logics of (philanthropic) appropriateness.
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In this article, we introduce the Human Rights Perception Polls - surveys of publics in multiple countries - and describe statistical associations between measures of socio-economic status - income, education, internet use, and urban... more
In this article, we introduce the Human Rights Perception Polls - surveys of publics in multiple countries - and describe statistical associations between measures of socio-economic status - income, education, internet use, and urban residence - and exposure to the term, "human rights," as well as personal contact with a self identified "human rights worker."
We look at our national survey data from Colombia and Mexico, and regional survey data from India (Mumbai and environs) and Morocco (Rabat, Casablanca, and environs).
We look at our national survey data from Colombia and Mexico, and regional survey data from India (Mumbai and environs) and Morocco (Rabat, Casablanca, and environs).
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How do public regulations shape the composition and behavior of non- governmental organizations (NGOs)? Because many NGOs advocate liberal causes, such as human rights, democracy, and gender equality, they upset the political status quo.... more
How do public regulations shape the composition and behavior of non- governmental organizations (NGOs)? Because many NGOs advocate liberal causes, such as human rights, democracy, and gender equality, they upset the political status quo. At the same time, a large number of NGOs operating in the Global South rely on international funding. This sometimes disconnects from local publics and leads to the proliferation of sham or ‘briefcase’ NGOs. Seeking to rein in the politically inconvenient NGO sector, governments exploit the role of international funding and make the case for restricting the influence of NGOs that serve as foreign agents. To pursue this objective, states worldwide are enacting laws to restrict NGOs’ access to foreign funding. We examine this regulatory offensive through an Ethiopian case study, where recent legislation prohibits foreign-funded NGOs from working on politically sensitive issues. We find that most briefcase NGOs and local human rights groups in Ethiopia have disappeared, while survivors have either ‘rebranded’ or switched their work from proscribed areas. This research note highlights how governments can and do shape the population ecology of the non- governmental sector. Because NGOs seek legitimacy via their claims of grassroots support, a reliance on external funding makes them politically vulnerable. Any study of the NGO sector must include governments as the key component of NGOs’ institutional environment.
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This article introduces the "human rights perception poll," our investigation of public opinion towards human rights issues and organizations in Mexico, Colombia, India, and Morocco.
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The Anglo-American media, it turns out, care more about abuses in Latin America than in any other region of the world, based on our analysis of data from 1980 to 2000.
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Will the "rights-based approach to development" make a difference? We offer a series of empirically grounded hypotheses to guide future research.
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Is the international human rights regime making progress? It depends, we argue, on what kind of research methods you use.
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Why does the media and Amnesty International focus more on some issues than others? Policy relevance is a big factor.
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Traces the factors driving the media's coverage of human rights problems.
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Introduces the human rights reporting dataset, and explore the determinants of coverage by Amnesty International.
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Turns out we know less than we thought we knew about the impacts of transitional justice. Time for more and better studies.
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Health researchers have moved into the study of armed conflict and human rights in a big way. Here's how.
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Oil provoked civil war in the Republic of Congo during the 1990s, but also provided the grease for peace.
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Even the most normatively-motivated NGOs are organizations, and as such, they must compete for, and secure, resources. This article examines how this works in three world regions, with three different types of liberal international NGO:... more
Even the most normatively-motivated NGOs are organizations, and as such, they must compete for, and secure, resources. This article examines how this works in three world regions, with three different types of liberal international NGO: protecting prisoners of war, feeding refugees, and providing technical assistance.
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The simplistic notion of primary commodities provoking civil war is misguided; politics matter a whole lot.
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Serbian paramilitary forces attacked some Muslims, but not others, in the former Yugoslavia. Turns out that borders mattered, despite all the hype about a "borderless" world.
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Reviews key theories on what led to the war in Kosovo, and why it turned out the way it did.
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Israel was both abusive and restrained during the first Palestinian uprising, and the reasons are explained by institutional theory. Soldiers manipulated and exploited the law, but in so doing, kept fatalities down.
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Why did Peru's ultra radical Shining Path start their shooting war just as the country was returning to democracy, and why did it attack so many leftists? Ideology matters, but only in specific political contexts.
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Channeling Foucault, Israeli interrogators in the early 1990s moved to a package of methods that caused suffering, but left few marks.
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Documents violations by Turkish forces during the war against Kurdish insurgents in the early 1990s, and examines Turkish security force use of foreign-sourced, or licensed, weapons.
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Documents Israeli interrogation procedures of Palestinian suspects in the early 1990s.
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Studies Israeli undercover operations in the West Bank and Gaza Strip against Palestinian militants.
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Our nationally representative sample of 2,000 US adults found that Republicans were more likely than Democrats to say the human and civil rights were respected in the US.
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Our nationally representative survey of 2,000 US adults shows that white evangelicals are more opposed to internationally defined human rights that evangelicals of color, or than white non-evangelicals. We attribute this difference to... more
Our nationally representative survey of 2,000 US adults shows that white evangelicals are more opposed to internationally defined human rights that evangelicals of color, or than white non-evangelicals. We attribute this difference to politics, rather than theology. More specifically, we argue that in the US, voters often align their political ideology to fit that of their chosen political party. This is the inverse of the common assumption that voters first have political beliefs, and then go looking for a political party that suits those beliefs.
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President Trump has consistently criticized multinational companies, even though his policies have often been more supportive. Why would he be so critical of multinationals, when Republican voters in general are more supportive of these... more
President Trump has consistently criticized multinational companies, even though his policies have often been more supportive. Why would he be so critical of multinationals, when Republican voters in general are more supportive of these companies than either Democrats or Independents? Our survey data from fall 2018 suggest that the reason is populism. Populists are far more critical of multinationals than non-populists, and this is especially true among populists on the political right.
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Data from 13,000 respondents in the US and the developing world show that on average, people who are skeptical of the police in their own country are more trusting of domestic businesses and multinationals. This suggests that pro-BLM... more
Data from 13,000 respondents in the US and the developing world show that on average, people who are skeptical of the police in their own country are more trusting of domestic businesses and multinationals. This suggests that pro-BLM activists are not likely to be opposed to the capitalist system.
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At the 1995 Beijing world conference, feminists worked hard to elevate gender concerns by promoting the slogan, "women's rights are human rights." Over time, they hoped, ordinary people would come to view gender equality, protection... more
At the 1995 Beijing world conference, feminists worked hard to elevate gender concerns by promoting the slogan, "women's rights are human rights." Over time, they hoped, ordinary people would come to view gender equality, protection from domestic violence, and other critical issues facing women as no less important than the rights of male political activists seeking protection from torture and imprisonment. Thirty years later, who supports this claim? What traction does the "women's rights are human rights" slogan have worldwide? Who are its strongest adherents?
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Argues that India and other democracies should not crack down on foreign funding to local NGOs working on democracy, human rights, and so forth. Suggests that these NGOs provide a critical voice for under-represented voices, thereby... more
Argues that India and other democracies should not crack down on foreign funding to local NGOs working on democracy, human rights, and so forth. Suggests that these NGOs provide a critical voice for under-represented voices, thereby correcting some of the inadequacies of liberaly democratic systems.
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To counter mounting restrictions on NGOs, local groups need to build their ability to raise local funds.
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Pundits say that religion and human rights are opposing forces in Morocco, especially around women’s rights. Our Human Rights Perception Polls suggest a more nuanced picture.
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Our surveys show that familiarity with the human rights movement is governed, in part, by social class.
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Israel and the United States are targeted by human rights groups, in part, because of the desire for policy impact. In a world of scarce resources, it makes sense for organizations to focus their efforts on places where they can make a... more
Israel and the United States are targeted by human rights groups, in part, because of the desire for policy impact. In a world of scarce resources, it makes sense for organizations to focus their efforts on places where they can make a difference.
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Shows that the Anglo American media focuses heavily on abuses in Latin America.
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There was reason to be optimistic when the second Intifada broke out, because it seemed like Palestinians had some kind of military deterrent. In hindsight......not so true.
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Time for scholars to investigate the practicalities of a one state solution for the Palestine/Israel space.
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Based on a nationally representative poll of 2,000 Americans, we find that "nativists" are skeptical of the importance of American Jewish and and American Muslim rights, both at home and abroad. That skepticism is most pronounced for... more
Based on a nationally representative poll of 2,000 Americans, we find that "nativists" are skeptical of the importance of American Jewish and and American Muslim rights, both at home and abroad. That skepticism is most pronounced for Muslims, but it is significant for Jews as well. We calculate that there are roughly 40 million "strong nativists" in the country, and that most of these are supporters of the Republic Party and voted for President Donald Trump in the 2016 national elections.
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Argues that there should be an a truth commission to investigate American misdeeds during the cold war, and after.
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A wave of restrictive legislation is sweeping the globe, cracking down on foreign funding. Authors present data suggesting that these groups are most vulnerable to harsh legislation the more foreign aid the country recives, and in the... more
A wave of restrictive legislation is sweeping the globe, cracking down on foreign funding. Authors present data suggesting that these groups are most vulnerable to harsh legislation the more foreign aid the country recives, and in the first year after a nationally competitive election.
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Presents polling data from multiple countries in the global South, arguing that the general public does not associate human rights groups in their country with US geopolitical interests. This finding flies in the face of multiple... more
Presents polling data from multiple countries in the global South, arguing that the general public does not associate human rights groups in their country with US geopolitical interests. This finding flies in the face of multiple arguments advanced by critics of the international rights agenda.
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Canada's mainstream seems almost oblivious to the role of religion in contemporary life. Although Christmas and Easter are widely celebrated, Canadians seem shocked anew each year when told their holidays mark religious events. "These are... more
Canada's mainstream seems almost oblivious to the role of religion in contemporary life. Although Christmas and Easter are widely celebrated, Canadians seem shocked anew each year when told their holidays mark religious events. "These are secular holidays," many claim; "surely no one actually believes they are celebrating Jesus's birth and death, do they?" "Imagine you are a UN official tasked with convincing Jewish settlers to improve their relations with Palestinians," I said. "Instead of referring to international human rights principles, however, draw on resources within the Jewish religious tradition." They seemed confused; the men and women manning the barbecue had little idea that Hindus often shun beef, or that observant Jews and Muslims avoid pork. When I used the Muslim word for sanctified beef, "halal," confusion reigned supreme; "I can't even pronounce that word," one said, while another argued that Hindus, Muslims or Jews should just focus on the potato chips.
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ONE OF THE tragic ironies of political life is that presumed policy cures often turn out to be part of the problem rather than the solution. Worse, when the medicine exacerbates, rather than alleviates, the targeted ailment, the policy... more
ONE OF THE tragic ironies of political life is that presumed policy cures often turn out to be part of the problem rather than the solution. Worse, when the medicine exacerbates, rather than alleviates, the targeted ailment, the policy response is simply to increase the dosage, with poisonous results. Our border immigration control policy is a striking example of this policy syndrome. Since the early 1990s, U.S. immigration control efforts along the Southwest border have gone from being a low-profile and low-maintenance activity into a high-intensity campaign commanding enormous attention on both sides of the line. Between 1993 and 1999, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) budget grew from $1.5 billion to $4.2 billion, defying the trend toward slimmed-down federal budgets. More INS agents now are authorized to carry firearms than any other federal law enforcement agency. One of the agency's biggest problems has been managing its fast-paced growth and attracting enough recruits to fill its many new job openings. The border crackdown first concentrated on high-profile crossing points for illegal migrants such as El Paso, Texas, and San Diego, Calif. Migrants have predictably responded by spreading out across the 2,000-mile U.S.-Mexico border, dramatically complicating enforcement efforts. Small border towns have now become major entry points for migrants heading north.
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Argues that the second Palestinian intifada is driven in large part by frustration over Israeli settlements.
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This article was published after Israeli forces withdrew from the Lebanon security zone in 2000. James Ron, a former Israeli soldier, reports on human rights abuses committed during his first raid into Lebanon in 1986, and argues that... more
This article was published after Israeli forces withdrew from the Lebanon security zone in 2000. James Ron, a former Israeli soldier, reports on human rights abuses committed during his first raid into Lebanon in 1986, and argues that Israel should compensate Lebanon forthe destruction visited on that country.
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Proposes that Israel lease the Jordan valley from the Palestine Authority for a specified period of time. Compares to similar leasing arrangements between Russia and its former allies.
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James Ron conceived of this project, obtained the funding, wrote the survey instruments, helped select and train the survey team, and edited the final report. Archana Pandya conducted the interviews with local human rights organization... more
James Ron conceived of this project, obtained the funding, wrote the survey instruments, helped select and train the survey team, and edited the final report. Archana Pandya conducted the interviews with local human rights organization representatives in Mumbai, helped oversee survey data collection, and drafted the Background and Part II of this report. Shannon Golden helped edit Part II and drafted Part III of the report. David Crow supervised survey data collection. Kassira Absar helped summarize findings and copy edit the report.
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This report presents findings from a representative survey of Mexico City residents (n=1000). Respondents were asked for their views towards human rights principles, policies and organizations, and were then subjected to a "real cash"... more
This report presents findings from a representative survey of Mexico City residents (n=1000). Respondents were asked for their views towards human rights principles, policies and organizations, and were then subjected to a "real cash" experiment. Enumerators gave respondents a small sum of money, and asked them to anonymously donate all, some, or none of the money to a fictitious organization.
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This report presents findings from a representative survey of 1,000 adults living in Bogota, Colombia. Respondents were asked about a range of opinions towards human rights organizations, principles, and policies. The authors also... more
This report presents findings from a representative survey of 1,000 adults living in Bogota, Colombia. Respondents were asked about a range of opinions towards human rights organizations, principles, and policies. The authors also conducted a "real cash" experiment in which respondents were given small sums of money, and then asked if they wanted to donate some, all, or none of the money, anonymously, to a fictitious local organization.
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Our nationally representative sample of 2,000 US adults in fall 2018 revealed that Republicans were more likely than Democrats to think that human and civil rights conditions in the US were well respected.
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Presents information from a representative survey of rights-based NGO workers in Mexico City and San Cristobal; from a national survey of the public in all of Mexico; and from a survey of Mexican elites.
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Summarizes results of surveys with human rights NGOs in Rabat and Casablanca, and with 1100 members of the public in those two cities.
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Many resource-strapped developing country governments seek international aid, but when that assistance is channeled through domestic civil society, it can threaten their political control. As a result, in the last two decades, 39 of the... more
Many resource-strapped developing country governments seek international aid, but when that
assistance is channeled through domestic civil society, it can threaten their political control. As a
result, in the last two decades, 39 of the world’s 153 low- and middle-income countries have
adopted laws restricting the inflow of foreign aid to domestically operating nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs). Governments recognize that such laws harm their international
reputations for supporting democracy and may invite donor punishment in terms of aid
reductions. Yet, they perceive foreign aid to NGOs as supporting political opponents and
threatening their grip on power. In the aftermath of competitive electoral victories, governments
often take new legal steps to limit these groups’ funding. We test this argument on an original
dataset of laws detailing the regulation of foreign aid inflows to domestically operating NGOs in
153 low- and middle-income countries for the period 1993-2012. Using an event history
approach, we find that foreign aid flows are associated with an increased risk of restrictive law
adoption; a log unit increase in foreign aid raises the probability of adoption by 6.7%. This risk is
exacerbated after the holding of competitive elections: the interaction of foreign aid and
competitive elections increases the probability of adoption by 11%.
Keywords: NGOs; civil society; regulations; foreign fund
assistance is channeled through domestic civil society, it can threaten their political control. As a
result, in the last two decades, 39 of the world’s 153 low- and middle-income countries have
adopted laws restricting the inflow of foreign aid to domestically operating nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs). Governments recognize that such laws harm their international
reputations for supporting democracy and may invite donor punishment in terms of aid
reductions. Yet, they perceive foreign aid to NGOs as supporting political opponents and
threatening their grip on power. In the aftermath of competitive electoral victories, governments
often take new legal steps to limit these groups’ funding. We test this argument on an original
dataset of laws detailing the regulation of foreign aid inflows to domestically operating NGOs in
153 low- and middle-income countries for the period 1993-2012. Using an event history
approach, we find that foreign aid flows are associated with an increased risk of restrictive law
adoption; a log unit increase in foreign aid raises the probability of adoption by 6.7%. This risk is
exacerbated after the holding of competitive elections: the interaction of foreign aid and
competitive elections increases the probability of adoption by 11%.
Keywords: NGOs; civil society; regulations; foreign fund
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Canada is seen as an example of what the United States could be, were it more egalitarian and less scarred by racism, militarism, and rampant capitalism. If you hold such views, Colin Samson's intriguing book on Canada's shoddy... more
Canada is seen as an example of what the United States could be, were it more egalitarian and less scarred by racism, militarism, and rampant capitalism. If you hold such views, Colin Samson's intriguing book on Canada's shoddy treatment of the Innu will be an intellectual cold shower. Drawing on years of research and activism in Canada's remote northeast regions, Samson takes aim at Canada's rosy image, arguing that government officials, industrialists, priests, teachers, health personnel, and social workers have all conspired, ...